• Title/Summary/Keyword: awareness of low fertility rate

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A Primary Study on Preference of Fertility Policies Based on Perspectives of the Marriage and Having a Child (미혼남녀의 결혼관과 출산 및 자녀관에 따른 출산정책 선호도 분석)

  • Chang Jin-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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    • v.43 no.11 s.213
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    • pp.165-183
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    • 2005
  • Total fertility rate in South Korea is the lowest in the world. A fertility rate below replacement fertility level will result in serious social problems in the long term. Therefore, it is worthwhile to study a general understanding about the low fertility rate phenomenon and to investigate the effectiveness of fertility policies in order to ameliorate the resulting social problems due to the low fertility rate. This research was a descriptive examination into the low fertility rate phenomenon and an investigation of the needs for fertility potties and their effectiveness. The study subjects were consisted of 769 unmarried people aged from 18 to 40 years old. Data were collected from June to August 2004 and were analyzed by frequencies, mean, and standard deviation. The following results were revealed. First, unmarried people in general had positive perspectives about getting marriaged, giving birth, and being a parent. In addition, the primary cause of low fertility rate was economical difficulties for raising a child. Third, unmarried people thought that the low fertility rate phenomenon resoled in both positive and negative changes in a society. Fourth, policies for economical supports for raising children, establishing social atmosphere for gender equality, and trustful public educational systems were the political alternatives that people really wanted for having a child in the future. Effective alternatives for policies and strategies to address the low fertility rate problems are suggested in the discussion section.

Is Fertility Rate Proportional to the Quality of Life? An Exploratory Analysis of the Relationship between Better Life Index (BLI) and Fertility Rate in OECD Countries (출산율은 삶의 질과 비례하는가? OECD 국가의 삶의 질 요인과 출산율의 관계에 관한 추이분석)

  • Kim, KyungHee;Ryu, SeoungHo;Chung, HeeTae;Gim, HyeYeong;Park, HeongJoon
    • International Area Studies Review
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.215-235
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    • 2018
  • Policy concerns related to raising fertility rates are not only common interests among the OECD countries, but they are also issues of great concern to South Korea whose fertility rate is the lowest in the world. The fertility rate in South Korea continues to decline, even though most of the national budget has been spent on measures to address this and many studies have been conducted on the increase in the fertility rates. In this regard, this study aims to verify the effectiveness of the detailed factors affecting the fertility rate that have been discussed in the previous studies on fertility rates, and to investigate the overall trend toward enhancing the quality of life and increasing the fertility rate through macroscopic and structural studies under the recognition of problems related to the policy approaches through the case studies of the European countries. Toward this end, this study investigated if a high quality of life in advanced countries contributes to the increase in the fertility rate, which country serves as a state model that has a high quality of life and a high fertility rate, and what kind of social and policy environment does the country have with regard to childbirth. The analysis of the OECD Better Life Index (BLI) and CIA fertility rate data showed that the countries whose people enjoy a high quality of life do not necessarily have high fertility rates. In addition, under the recognition that a country with a high quality of life and a high birth rate serves as a state model that South Korea should aim for, the social characteristics of Iceland, Ireland, and New Zealand, which turned out to have both a high quality of life and a high fertility rate, were compared with those of Germany, which showed a high quality of life but a low fertility rate. According to the comparison results, the three countries that were mentioned showed higher awareness of gender equality; therefore, the gender wage gap was small. It was also confirmed that the governments of these countries support various policies that promote both parents sharing the care of their children. In Germany, on the other hand, the gender wage gap was large and the fertility rate was low. In a related move, however, the German government has made active efforts to a paradigm shift toward gender equality. The fertility rate increases when the synergy lies in the relationship between parents and children; therefore, awareness about gender equality should be firmly established both at home and in the labor market. For this reason, the government is required to provide support for the childbirth and rearing environment through appropriate family policies, and exert greater efforts to enhance the effectiveness of the relevant systems rather than simply promoting a system construction. Furthermore, it is necessary to help people in making their own childbearing decisions during the process of creating a better society by changing the national goal from 'raising the fertility rate' to 'creating a healthy society made of happy families'

AGE AT MARRIAGE AND FERTILITY OF WOMEN IN THREE SELECTED AREAS IN KOREA, 1970 (한국 3개 지역의 결혼, 결혼년령 및 출산력에 관한 연구)

  • 김모임
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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    • v.3 no.3
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    • pp.1-14
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    • 1973
  • This study is designed to meet the following objectives: (1) To study attitude and behavior regarding marriage and age at marriage, (2) To learn correlates of age at marriage and to examine their relations, (3) To measure relative importance of the correlates of age at marriage, and (4) To study relations of age at marriage and family planning practice to fertility and their relative importance as correlates of fertility. The data are obtained by an independent cross-sectional survey in three study areas purposively selected to represent metropolitan. semihuman. rural population. The study population is confined to women age 17-50 as of survey. The overall response rate is 90%. Reliability of data is measured by . individual and aggregate inconsistency based upon a 15% subsample of the original interviews. The individual inconsistency (31%) is found to be high compared to the aggregate inconsistency (6%) for all 85 variables. However, the magnitude of differences between means is small, and the mean absolute shifts and proportional shifts are also small on the whole. In a word respondents did not change their answers too extremely or radically. The study populations of each study area are compared on some basic characteristics. It is found that the three study populations have more dissimilarities than similarities. The findings on seven different attitudinal positions of women toward marriage indicate that there have been tremendous changes in all study areas Iron "traditional" attitudes which have been prevalent for a long time in Korean society to "liberalized" or "modernized" attitudes. An apparent tendency is that women generally take a position of a "golden mean" attitude by not preferring either extreme of marriage attitudes. Nevertheless, the young, single, educated, and urbanite appears more "liberalized. " There has been some increase in ideal age at marriage from 1958 to 1970 for both sexes. No age group, marital status, or study area differentials in ideal age at marriage are found, the average ideal age at marriage in every sub-group being 24-25. Awareness of existing legal marriageable ages is low; only 4.4% are aware that "with parental permission: minimum age for males is 18 years and for females 16 years,"and only 3.7% are aware that "without parental permission: 27 years for males and 23 years for females." People in Korra tend to marry spouses who are in various social ways like themselves: the similarities include (a) education, occupational status of father, (c) economic status, (d) usual residence before marriage, and (e) religion. Both singulars and actual mean ages at marriage in this study confirm the trend of rising age at marriage previously established by other independent studies. The urban-rural differential in age at marriage is observed, but the differential narrows down gradually from 1935 to 1970. All socio-economic, demographic, and other variables pertaining to wife before and at first marriage, excluding (a) religion, (b) father′s of occupation, and (c) as: of menarche, are correlated with respondent's age at first marriage, whereas only three variables out of all socio-economic variables relating to husband before and at wife′s first marriage, viz., (a) education, (b) usual residence, and (c) economic level of his old home, are correlated with respondent′s age at marriage. Among socio-economic and modernity variables related to either husband or wife at the time of survey, only education and duration of residence are correlated with wife′s age at first marriage. Among the correlates of respondent′age at first marriage, education is in general the most important variable. However, it is found that wife′s education is more important than husband′s. The combined effects or the correlates studied explain no more than about 40% of variance for any of the selected groups of variables. Points which might counteract the effects of late marriage on fertility are not serious in Korea. For each of the correlates of the three fertility indices chosen for this study. namely, (a) number of living children, (b) number of live births, and (c) number of pregnancies, age at marriage is the major contributor to the variance in all age groups except the age group of 20-29 in which the index of family planning practice is the major contributor. The proportion of variability in fertility indices accounted for by the correlates is never more than 40% of the total variance in any age group. Based upon the findings from this study, it could be concluded that in the foreseeable future (a) celibate group will no! be increased to a point that would slow down population growth rate in Korea, (b) age at marriage will not increase continually, (c) although education stands out as the major contributing variable which independently explains the variation in age at marriage, it seems probable that education may not be the major variable in the near future, and (d) despite the fact found by this study that age at marriages has been the major contributor to the variance of each of the fertility indices used, family planning practice will play a more important role in the reduction of fertility in the Korean society. Therefore, factors interrupting practice of family planning must be eliminated and family planning program should be strengthened if further fertility reduction is needed.

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Transition from Church School-Centered Education to Family-Centered Christian Faith Education (교회학교 중심의 교육에서 가정중심의 기독교 신앙교육으로의 전환)

  • Lee, Jeung Gwan
    • Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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    • v.69
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    • pp.9-44
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study is to restore religious education at home. Currently, Korean church education is facing a crisis. First, there is a decrease in the number of children in the church due to the problem of the low fertility rate. Second, the number of young people leaving the church is increasing. As a result, Maneun Church and church schools are being reduced or closed. In order to solve this problem, it is necessary to change from church school-centered education to family-centered faith education. This is because the restoration of faith education is also connected with the restoration of the Korean church in crisis. As an alternative to overcome the current crisis of church education, it is necessary to return to the original form of religious education. In other words, we must return to the way God commanded religious education through parents at home. The most important thing is to overcome and recover from the absence of religious education at home. A Christian home becomes a place of education that fulfills the primary responsibility of religious education for children. God has given his parents the primary authority and responsibility for the religious education of their children. However, amid changes in society and home, the educational function of the home was entrusted to other educational institutions or specialized teachers. Parents of Christian families tend to delegate their children's religious education to church schools by neglecting their educational authority and responsibility. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to reinforce that parents should have a Christian view of faith education and become the main agents of their children's faith education. Parents have the authority, responsibility, and duty as teachers for religious education given by God. The educational authority and responsibility of parents originate from God. God has commanded his parents to bring up their children in faith. Therefore, for parents to become the main agents of their children's religious education, restoration is needed in Christian home education. Therefore, the task of restoring the Christian family as a place of effective Christian education and fulfilling the educational mission of faith that God has given to parents is, first, that parents and the church must recognize the importance of Christian home education anew. Second, parents must have the correct awareness and mission in the Christian view of children. The mission of parents in a Christian home is to teach, train, and admonish their children in the Lord so that they can live with Christian values. Third, the church should actively support home education and form a deep bond between church education and home education.