• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.59-95
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• 2016

The purpose of this study was to examine the text and musical characteristic of , a changgeuk (a Korean traditional opera), by the National Theater of Korea, which was performed overseas with the title of and recognized its artistic values home and abroad alike, focusing on the process of its rebirth from a lost pansori. A changgeuk was dramatized from a lost pansori into a Korean traditional opera. In the process of rebirth of , the content of latter half, which is the performance of a funeral service for the deceased Byeongangsoe, was deleted, and the contents of Ongnyeo's fight against jangseungs in order to take back Byeongangsoe was newly inserted, thus creating textual changes. In addition, as the title presents, Ongnyeo is no longer a conventional lewd woman, but a subjective and independent female who is fighting against fate, different from its original perspective in which the leading character is Byeongangsoe. All the sounds of a changgeuk were made by the creative technique of traditional Korean songs through various attempts, such as inserting chords between performers in order to present most appropriate songs for the opera, namely proper sounds for the hidden side of the opera. In addition, according to the change of mind of performers or characters, the tone and vocal sound of the song were different. In particular, a changgeuk attempted a variety of techniques in the accompaniment of music, and used many sound buks or diverse genres such as popular music, waltz, classic and folk songs of every province, thus presenting challenging attempts. These attempts made the opera more abundant and helped it to be expressed realistically and dramatically. As above, the contents of a changgeuk were borrowed from classical narrations, but its musical aspects got off the technique of traditional changgeuk, thus attempting various changes and techniques. In this vein, it presented a novel modality of changgeuk equiping with the characteristic of 'reviewing the old and learning the new,' thus proposing the directivity and possibility of changgeuk in the present society.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.127-154
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• 2017

EIU has evolved diversely depending on the national environment and culture on the basis of the philosophy of individual human rights and world peace articulated in the "1974 Recommendation on EIU". However, the global environment surrounding EIU has been changed socially, economically, culturally and ecologically in the 21st century, and therefore it is necessary to raise the following questions: Is the concept of EIU initiated for international understanding and cooperation for world peace in the 20th century still valid in the 21st century? Which direction should we take in order for EIU to be efficient in the globalized world? To answer these questions, this study reviewed and analyzed the historical development and current trends of the EIU in the regions of Europe, North America, Asia Pacific area, and Africa. For the empirical study, thirty-four experts in EIU selected from the four regions were interviewed by the researchers. Based on the interviews and the related literature review, it was found that the diverse terms of EIU were used in the four regions and the focus on EIU was different depending on the geographical, historical and social environment of each region. But, despite of the diversity in terminology in EIU, human rights, peace, equity and social justice which are emphasized by UNESCO, were universally taught in EIU. The EIU in these regions is currently dealt with in school education, social education and lifelong education, and particularly global citizenship allowing multiple identities is importantly treated together with citizenship education. Another important aspect of EIU that was commonly found in these four regions was that global citizenship education for solving global problems was coexistent with the reinforcement of nationalism for the economic competency of each nation in a globalized world. The issue of global inequality was particularly dealt with in EIU, and the teaching of voluntary civic involvement and responsibility were particularly emphasized in EIU. Based on these research findings, the study proposes "glocalism", connecting global issues with local issues for solving global problems, as a new approach to the EIU of the 21st century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.379-408
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• 2017

What I wish to show in this paper is the moral educational implication on "The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)" in a position to consider the alternatives about personality education problems by searching viewpoints on moral training theory on the book. "The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)" was written by Dasan Jeong-yakyong(茶山 丁若鏞, 1762-1836). In the oriental philosophy, a moral training theory is built on the base of human nature theory. Dasan's moral training theory was also built on his human nature theory. Undoubtedly we could consider that his difference from the moral training theory of Confucianism is reflected in his moral training theory putting stress on practice. Dasan criticized the moral training theory of Confucianism because of its static aspect contemplating mind internally. He stands on the position that the virtue can be come true by the concrete practice. The establishment ground of Dasan's moral training theory is on his theory of human nature's preference(性嗜好說). Dasan didn't consider benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom(仁義禮智) as human nature. He considered that the human nature prefers goodness. So there is no perfect human nature or principle originally to human beings but also directionality to be displayed. We can say that the virtue building by cultivation of directionality get connected to moral training theory. Dasan considered ?The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)? as a practice book for moral training which develops individuals' personality through practice in the reality. He thought that the book cause individuals to follow 'the elementary way(小道)' and to learn 'the elementary art(小藝)' more than academic pursuit. From this viewpoint he showed the practice(行事) of judgment(權衡) by keeping the attitude for the scripture interpretation to pursue the right principles(義理) based on Chinese exegetics(訓?) and the historical evidences(考證) through the whole book. And in the book he suggested the standard of the whole-person education to develop the human nature based on his theory of human nature's preference(性嗜好說), to cognize relationship as an ethical existence, and to pursue the harmony with graphonomy(字學) and Ethics(道學). So we can regard that he realized his practice centered moral education philosophy in the book.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.9-44
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• 2017

Seonsaengan(先生案) is the predecessor's lists. The list includes the names of the predecessor, the date of the appointment, the date of return, the previous job, and the next job. Therefore, previous studies on the local recruitment and Jungin (中人) that can not be found in general personnel information of the Joseon dynasty were conducted. However, the status and classification of the list has not been achieved yet. So this study aims to clarify the status, classification and data characteristics of the list. 176 books, are the Joseon dynasty lists of predecessors, remain to this day. These lists are in Jangseogak(47 cases), Kyujanggak(80 cases), the National Library of Korea(24 cases) and other collections(25 cases). Jangseogak has lists of royal government officials, Kyujanggak has lists of central government officials, and the National Library of Korea and other collections have lists of local government officials. However, this paper focuses on accessible Jangseogak list of 47 cases. As I mentioned earlier, the Jangsaegak lists are generally related to the royal government officails. This classification includes 18 central government officials, 5 local government officials, and 24 royal government officails. If the list is classified as contents, it can be classified into six rituals and diplomatic officials, 12 royal government officials, 5 local government officials, 14 royal tombs officials, and 10 royal education officials. Through the information on the list, the following six characteristics can be summarized. First, it can be finded the basic personal information about the recorded person. Second, the period of office and reasons for leaving the office and office can be known. Third, changes in the office system can be confirmed. Fourth, it can be looked at one aspect of the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty through the previous workplace and the next job. Fifth, it is possible to know days that are particularly important for each government. Sixth, the contents of work evaluation can be confirmed. This is the reality of the Joseon Dynasty, which is different from the contents recorded in the Code. Through this, it is possible to look at the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty. However, in order to carry out a precise review, it is necessary to make a database for 176 lists. In addition, if data is analyzed in connection with existing genealogy data, it will be possible to establish a basis for understanding the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.211-255
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• 2018

A classical lyrics novel 'Jeobuin-jeon' is basically old Korean novel in aspect of contents even though it has lyrics for a song formally. In other words, it shows classic poetry but also expends its genre to novel 'Jeobuin-jeon' which belongs to Jae-yeon Park's selection, presents 'Analects' at a book cover and writes its title inside. In addition, it rewrites the story of 'Jeobuin-jeon' at the beginning that means it is novel. It is considered there might be an unclear reason why it could not be marked as an novel outside. 'Jeobuin-jeon' of Jae-yeon Park's selection helps readers grasp the novel by adding Chinese characters for additional explanation based on Korean characters depending on cases. Used words in this novel is estimated being written from the late $19^{th}$ century to the beginning of the $20^{th}$ century. 'Jeobuin-jeon' is assumed being written by woman as it emphasizes that woman should learn letters and take care of the relationship among parents-in-law, husband, sibling, servant and daughter-law. Besides, this novel intends to punish bad characters through 'Jeobuin's good manners by including afterlife-story with 'Bulddong-Aemi'. 'Jeobuin-jeon''s narration is 7 steps and it reaches the peak when 'Bulddong-Aemi' and 'Jeobuin' changes their life each other. Afterward, 'Jeobuin' meets her parents-in-law and passes the crisis. The story ends through 'Bulddong-Aemi' is punished. It is very creative by developing the story with looking back the past would make a change in narration.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.197-222
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• 2009

In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.249-278
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• 2009

Zhu-zi(朱子) represented the study of The Book of Odes in Song dynasty and Dai-zhen(戴震) was The Book of Odes researcher representing Wan-pai(a kind of party) in Qing dynasty. Especially Dai-zhen took critical position of Zhu-xi. Comparing Zhu-zi with Dai-zhen in the aspect of The Book of Odes interpretation, this thesis intends to review the difference and the reason of both interpretations. Especially this thesis compares Zhu-zi's interpretation with Dai-zhen's about thirty poems Zhu-zi considered filthy poetry, investigating the differences of their interpretation. Regarding the poetry Zhu-zi considered filthy as refined satire, Dai-zhen had a negative position about Zhu-zi's theory of filthy poetry. As Zhu-zi interpreted the poetry in the first person on the literary view in the time when he interpreted the lyrics in the Feng-shi, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as feeling of words. But as Dai-zhen interpreted the poetry in the third person under a Confucian classic view, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as refined satire. In brief, that is to say that Zhu-zi made literary interpretations of feeling of words but Dai-zhen made Confucian classic interpretations of 'Si-wu-xie'(思無邪). These two men's differences about interpretation of The Book of Odes have much importance on the historical aspects of The Book of Odes. So to speak, Dai-zhen had bibliographical approach and described the meaning of poetry objectively, following Mao-shi(毛詩) theory about the interpretation of meaning of poetry, criticizing Zhu-zi's literarary view. Dai-zhen's interpretation of The Book of Odes mentioned Above was made from long vital power of Mao-shi theory and a Confucian classic method. Considering the historical stream of Zhu-zi and Dai-zhen's interpreting The Book of Odes, The Book of Odes will be interpreted and analyzed from the various views in the future.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.81-117
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to clarify the overall features and its meaning of the Gaebyok(開闢) through the intercomparison of the Gaebyok idea that is the core idea of a newly risen modern religion in Korea. Limitation of most studies so far is that they have stayed in the fragmentary study on the Gaebyok idea of each new religion. In order to overcome this problem, first of all, the Gaebyok idea was studied from a philosophical point encompassing the cosmological view of time in the book of changes. And based on this methodological foundation, with organizing the existing result of study, the process of development and characteristics in the Gaebyok idea of a posteriori Donghak(東學), Right I Ching (正易), Won Buddhism(圓佛敎), and Kangjeungsan(姜甑山) was investigated respectively. And through comparing and analyzing each Gaebyok idea, the similarities and differences between each other were organized. The founders of new religions thought that a great change in the universal and natural luck was made before and after the point of their living. The concept of the frequency of revolution theory is the concept to explain the aspect of transition according to the frequency of revolution(運度) of the cosmological nature that returns to the beginning, and in the idea of the posterior Gaebyok, this content and concepts is contained as it was. This study showed that the concept of the frequency of revolution theory in an apriority and a posterior like those becomes appeared in some preaches of Suun, Ilbu, Sotaesan and Jeungsan. An apriority in the Gaebyok idea of new religion is the world of crisis that represents the limited condition of human being, and a posterity means the religious ideal world realized through the power of the absolute being or a dramatic universal change from that limited circumstances. So the Gaebyok ida is a kind of an universal eschatology and religious view that expects the coming of ideal world in the future. In addition, since the universal eschatology is a kind of a view of time, it inevitably has an issue how long time apriority and a posterity included in it have. And especially, it becomes to premise the content how the social condition and human condition change in an apriority and a posterity. Accordingly, in this study, based on the understanding of the view of time in the cosmological level, the content of answers that each newly risen religion discloses was listed and analyzed with comparison. It can be considered that Suun took charge of a mission to deliver the message through being possessed of a god in heaven who is able to be called a transcendental existence, Ilbu disclosed the coming of the world of a posterity beyond an apriority through the Book of Changes(易學), Jeungsan proclaimed himself as the absolute being who could make such a posterity and bring it, and Sotaesan proposed the Gaebyok of mind in order to meet with the world of a posterity and to live in that era.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

This paper examines the persuasive style(論說類) proses of Myeonggog(明谷) Choi, seokjeong(崔錫鼎, 1646~1715). He is a disciple of Namguman(南九萬) and Parksechae(朴世采), and is a man who played an active part by political soron(少論) leader in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. It is also a central figure that links the genealogy of the late Joseon Dynasty, which leads to Namguman(南九萬)-Choiseokjeong(崔錫鼎)-Chotaeeok(趙泰億). He wrote total 14 persuasive style prose. The time of creation is from around 1671 until the end of life. In this paper, the preoses to be analyzed are Sunukron(荀彧論), Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) and Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨). The reverse idea that reverses the existing discussion is outstanding, and the work which is unique in composition is Sunukron(荀彧論). Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) is a work that uses the ryubi(類比) to increase persuasiveness and converts the existing perspective. Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) is a work that attempted to harmonize in the formality of vocabulary, sentence and composition while showing the logical perfection to dismiss the counter-argument's prerequisite. For example, Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) consists of a total of five paragraphs in aspect of composition, each paragraph arranged in good order. In addition, this work presented sequential arguments, used the incremental method which emphasizes the importance of arguments as it moves backward.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.157-183
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to investigate the existence aspects of the Hyangri class in Imsilhyeon, Jeolla Province in the latter half of Joseon based on Woonsuyeonbangseonsaengan, which provides lists of Hyangris in Imsilhyeon from the fourth year(1724) of King Gyeongjong's reign to the early 20th century. It contained the names of total 704 Hyangris, who included 119 Kims, 103 Eoms, 103 Jins, 87 Parks, 86 Muns, 66 Lees, 31 Baeks, 27 Hwangs, and 17 Taes. In addition, there were 12 more family names that produced fewer than ten Hyangris. Based on the share of representative family names among the Hyangris of the area, it is estimated that the dominant family names were Kim, Eom, Jin, Park, Mun, and Lee. Another interesting aspect is that the Jeon and Yang families produced no Hyangris in the 19th century, whereas the Hwang family produced 5% of Hyangris in the century with the Jin family accounting for 10% or more. These findings show that little changes were consistent within the community of Hyangris despite the fact that a couple of families were dominant. The family clans of the family names were checked in Nosogyean, which records that they were the Kim family of Gyeongju, Eom family of Yeongwol, Jin family of Namwon, Park family of Hamyang, Mun family of Nampyeong, and Lee family of Gyeongju. The study then examined the family names of 76 Hojangs that were recorded to hold the Hojang title in Woonsuyeonbangseonsaengan to see whether the family names that produced higher-level Hyangris were the same as the ones above. There was an overall agreement between the family names that produced a lot of Hojangs and those that produced the most Hyangris, but there were differences according to the periods. Six family names produced Hojangs in similar percentage in the 18th century, and only three family names, which were the Jin family of Namwon(13), Mun family of Nampyeong(9), and Eom family of Yeongwol(6), produced more than ten Hojangs in the 19th century. Other noteworthy changes in the 19th century include the rapidly rising frequency of Hojangs serving the term twice or more compared with the 18th century and the concentration of Hojangs on certain family names. These findings indicate that six family names coexisted in the active production of Hyangris in the community of Hyangris in Imsilhyeon in the latter half of Joseon, that there were changes to the family names of higher-level Hyangris internally according to the periods, and that a shift happened toward the leadership of certain family names in the society of Hyangris.