• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.204-229
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• 1988

This paper documents and discusses trends and differentials in youth's participation in the labor force and employment. Youth in this study is defined asthe young aged 15-29. Youth passes through a series of life-course transitions,which include school completion own family formation(marriage and childbirth) .mandatory service in the army (by males) , and their economic activities are affectedby those life-course events. Accordingly we show how and to what extent youth'slabor force participation and employment varies with age and how the age patternhas changed over time.Throughout the 1980's and 1990's, youth's labor force participation showeddifferent trends by age group Labor fDrce participation rate of the 15-19 agedsteeply decreased, while that of the 25-29 steadily increased during the twodecades, the rate fsr the 20-24 aged showing not much variation. The former is dueto the increased rate of school enrollment among the age group, while the lattercould be attributed, in part, to the young women s increased and more steadyparticipation in the labor force over time.While labor force participation could be considered as a result of one's choicesand preferences, employment opportunities are more or less restricted by labormarket structure and institutions . This study documents how the structuralconstraints have interacted with individual and group attributes to differentiateemployment opportunities between individuals (educational background) and groups(especially sex diffrences) . One of the most salient feature of youth's em[ploymentstructure is the recent high unemployment rate of the college graduates. We discusshow that is related to the'credential society'in which one's educational credentials and it's social status play major role in determining who gets what in terms of job opportunities. Also is discussed the discordance between school and labor marketsupply and demand system, which is apparent in the prolonged oversupply of thecollege graduates, which is due to the consistently high rate of college entranceobserved since the early 1980's. Theoretically the job market for college graduates isviewed not as the'neoclassical'wage competition market but as job competition market in which one's (good) job opportunity is determined by one s position in thejob queue, which is in turn heavily dependent on from which college one get shis/her college degree as well as one's sex.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.152-173
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• 2021

The Large Banner was introduced during the Japanese Invasions of Korea with a new military system. It was a flag that controlled the movement of soldiers in military training. In addition, it was used in other ways, such as a symbol when receiving a king in a military camp, a flag raised on the front of a royal procession, at the reception and dispatch of envoys, and at a local official's procession. The Large Banner was recognized as a symbol of military dignity and training rites. The Large Banner was analyzed in the present study in the context of two different types of decorations. Type I includes chungdogi, gakgi and moongi. Type II includes grand, medium, and small obangi, geumgogi and pyomigi. Each type is decorated differently for each purpose. The size of the flag is estimated to be a square of over 4 ja long in length. Flame edges were attached to one side and run up and down The Large Banner used the Five Direction Colors based on the traditional principles of Yin-Yang and Five Elements. The pattern of the Large Banner is largely distinguished by four. The pattern of large obangi consists of divine beasts symbolizing the Five Directions and a Taoism amulet letter. The pattern of medium obangi features spiritual generals that escort the Five Directions. The pattern of small obangi has the Eight Trigrams. The pattern of moongi consists of a tiger with wings that keeps a tight watch on the army's doors. As for historical sources of coloring for Large Banner production, the color-written copy named Gije, from the collection of the Osaka Prefect Library, was confirmed as the style of the Yongho Camp in the mid to late 18th century, and it was also used for this essay and visualization work. We used Cloud-patterned Satin Damask as the background material for Large Banner production, to reveal the dignity of the military. The size of the 4 ja flag was determined to be 170 cm long and 145 cm wide, and the 5 ja flag was 200 cm long and 175 cm wide. The conversion formula used for this work was Youngjochuck (1 ja =30cm). In addition, the order of hierarchy in the Flag of the King was discovered within all flags of the late Joseon Dynasty. In the above historical study, the two types of Large Banner were visualized. The visualization considered the size of the flag, the decoration of the flagpole, and the patterns described in this essay to restore them to their original shape laid out the 18th century relics on the background. By presenting color, size, material patterns, and auxiliary items together, it was possible not only to produce 3D content, but also to produce real products.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.174-191
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• 2021

Gangdo (江都), a reproduction of Gaegyeong, was the capital of Goryeo for 39 years. However, due to the urgent wartime situation of the Mongol invasion and the geographical features of Ganghwa Island, the castle system and palace layout were somewhat different from those of Gaegyeong. Gangdo's castle can be understood as a triple castle system consisting of outer castle, middle castle, and inner castle. First, the outer castle was the first to be completed, and it was built at the forefront to prevent the Mongol army from invading in the first place. It is presumed that the section was between Huamdon and Hwadodon in the outer castle during the Joseon Dynasty. The middle castle can be seen as the present 'Middle Castle', a castle built of earth on the outskirts of the Ganghwa-mountain Castle. Considering the sophistication and robustness of the construction method confirmed in the archaeological research, this castle is thought to have been built under a meticulous plan. In other words, as the capital city, it was completed 'at last' as recorded in the Koryo History, after a long 18-year construction process to protect palaces, government offices, and private houses. The inner castle was a castle with the character of a palace. This corresponds to the Old Castle of Ganghwabu (江華府) during the Joseon Dynasty, and it almost coincided with the scale of the composition of Gaegyeong's palace castle. It was a complex functional space, featuring the integration of the palace and the imperial castle, where the main government offices and ancillary facilities, including the palace, were located. Based on the documentary record that these palaces were similar to Gaegyeong's palace, the palace map was overlapped with that of Gaegyeong. The central axis of the building from Seungpyeongmun (昇平門) to Seongyeongjeon (宣慶殿) coincided with Kim Sangyongsunjeol Monument in Ganghwa- Goryeo Palace. Therefore, it seems that the palace of Gangdo had the same basic structure as that of Gaegyeong. However, the inner palace and annexed buildings must have been arranged in consideration of the topographical conditions of Ganghwa, and this is estimated to be the Gunggol area in Gwancheong-ri.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.87-121
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• 2016

Daehoon Ham's novel 'Cheongchunbo' features a studier as the main character who majored in Russian literature and admired the culture of the Soviet Union. From his viewpoint, the novel reproduces North Korean society before and after its independence from Japan. In this regard, it shows multilayered presence related to Russian culture and Soviet Russia. Such an aspect is based on the sense of sympathy that the main character has. The sense of sympathy is originated from the main character's admiration for the exoticism of Soviet culture which was forbidden during the late Japanese occupation. After Korea's independence from Japan, Russian was replaced by English. Such change also occurred in the main character's viewpoint. He underwent a change in his integrative viewpoint on Russian and Soviet under the name of Red Army. After defecting to South Korea, he began to put Russia down as a den possessed by the devil called 'communism.' In the meantime, Russia and Soviet have been separated from each other in ideological terms. The novel 'Cheongchunbo' stresses that the decisive cause of such changes is argued over trusteeship. The main character, fascinated by the presence of exotic Soviet, predicates that Soviet is a political symbol around the national division caused by the trusteeship. His change alluded to the life path of Korean authors who translated Russian literature after independence. During the Japanese occupation, Russian literature translated into Korea was a longing for forbiddance and admiration for Russia. However, the Russia presented in Daehoon Ham's novel before and after independence implies that the romantic translation has ended.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.12
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• pp.137-178
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• 2005

The anticommunist guerrillas' activities that aretheconcern of this article took place largely in North Korea or behind the enemy-held lines. Verifying their history is accordingly difficult and requires careful attention, but despite their active operations the military as well as the scholarly community have been lax in studying them. The Korean War came to be perceived as a traditional, limited war with regular battles, so that the studies addressed mostly the regular operations, and guerrilla warfare is remembered as an almost 'exclusive property' of the communist invaders; a small wonder that the anticommunist guerrillas have not been studied much and the collection of materials neglected. Therefore, in contrast with the witness accounts concerning regular battles, witness resources were of a small volume about these "patriots without the service numbers." For the above reasons the guerrilla participants and their later-organized fellowships took to the task of leaving records and compiling the histories of their units. They became active preservers of history in order to inform later generations of their works and also to secure deserved benefits from the government, in a world where none recognized their achievements. For instance, 4th Donkey Unit published witness accounts in addition to a unit history, and left video-recordings of guerrilla witnesses before any institute systematized the oral history of the guerrillas. In the case of Kyulsa ("Resolved to Die") Guerrilla Unit, the unit history was 10 times revised and expanded upon for publication, contributing substantially to the recovery of anticommunist guerrilla history which had almost totally lacked documented resources. Now because the guerrilla-related witness accounts were produced through fellowship societies and not individually, it often took the form of 'collective memory.' As a result, though thousands of former guerrillas remain surviving, the scarcity of numerous versions of, or perspectives upon, an event renders difficult an objective approach to the historical truth. Even requests to verify the service of a guerrilla member or to apply for decoration or government benefits for those killed in action, the process is taken care of not at the hands of the first party but the veteran society, so that a variety of opinions are not available for consideration. Moreover, some accounts were taken by American military personnel, and since some historians, unaware of official documents or evaluation of achievements, tended to center the records around their own units and especially to exaggerate the units' performances, they often featured factual errors. Thefollowing is the means to utilize positively the aforementioned type of witness accounts in military history research. It involves the active use of military historical detachments (MHD). As in the examples of those dispatched by the American forces during the Korean War, experts should be dispatched during, and not just after, wartimes. By considering and investigating the differences among various perspectives on the same historical event, even without extra documented resources it is possibleto arrive at theerrors or questionable points of the oral accounts, supplementing the additional accounts. Therefore any time lapses between witness accounts must be kept in consideration. Moreover when the oral accounts come from a group such as participants in the same guerrilla unit or operation, a standardized list of items ought to be put to use. Education in oral history is necessary not just for the training of experts. In America wherethefield sees much activity, it is used not only in college or graduate programs but also in elementary and lifetime educational processes. In comparison in our nation, and especially in historical disciplines, methodological insistence upon documented evidences prevails in the main, and in the fields of nationalist movement or modern history, oral accounts do not receive adequate attention. Like ancient documents and monuments, oral history also needs to be made a regular part of diverse resource materials at our academic institutes for history. Courses in memory and history, such as those in American colleges, are available possibilities.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.56-77
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• 2010

The tortoise pedestal for the memorial monument of Choe Jin-rip(an army officer in the mid-Joseon Period) in Ijo-ri, Naenam-myeon, Gyeongju is known to have been made in 1740. As such, it was originally understood to be a Joseon imitation of a tortoise pedestal made in the Unified Silla Period. The style of the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal differs from other tortoise pedestals dating back to the same period, and bears no resemblance to the Unified Silla pedestals of which it is a copy. Mullu ilgi, a record of the production of the pedestal, explains that the monument was made before the pedestal. Traces show that the two sides of the bottom of the monument were cut off so that it would fit into the smaller space made on the pedestal. It is scarcely conceivable that they made the pedestal and the platform without considering the bottom size of the monument. The record only states that the monument was made at a temple site named Baegundae, without explaining the details of the production process. This leaves some doubt as to whether its production was undertaken systematically. The cloud patterns engraved on this pedestal look similar to the temporal seriation found on the Tortoise Pedestal of the Royal Tomb of King Muyeol and the Seoangni Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju. The lotus pattern decorating the square pedestal on the back of the tortoise is one of a number of patterns that were widely used on roof-tiles in the 8th century, the heyday of the Unified Silla Kingdom. The Ijori Tortoise Pedestal, which represents a tortoise moving forward, displays a liveliness the like of which is rarely found in its cousins remaining in Gyeongju. The layout of the patterns in a queue on the tortoise-shell looks much better schematized than those made at an earlier date. It also looks like a more developed form, with the use of space taken into account. Such factors as the style of the patterns, the incongruity between the monument and its pedestal, and what is stated in the historical record indicate that the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju was made in the mid-8th century(i.e. during the Unified Silla Period), rather than in the Joseon Period(i.e. the 18th century), as an imitation of earlier ones, including changes in the style unique to the Silla Period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.12-31
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• 2016

Gangwon Provincial Office, which is Historical Landmark No. 439, existed from 1395 to 1895. It played a significant role of provincial administration. Gangwon Provincial Office was rebuilt in the $17^{th}$ Century when governors' additional job system began. It had 50 buildings and 670 sections. During the Japanese colonial era and the Korean War, most of the buildings were demolished, and in 2005 partially restored. Currently, after the old Wonju City Post Office was demolished, the back garden facilities of the Provincial Office are being restored. The back garden of Gangwon Provincial Office was completely destroyed when the Japanese army base at Wonju made it a playing field during the Japanese colonial era. After demolishing the old post office in the back garden, excavation and investigation were made. A pond and building relics were found, but they were too damaged to be restored. However, this thesis found that there were Bongraekak, Yeongjusa(Kwanpungkak), Cheyako, Joojeong Rainbow Bridge after studying literature and paintings. There were also Hwansunjeong and Bangjangdae outside the pond. The names of the back garden and how they were made are related to hsien. In the pond, they made 3 islands signifying Mt. Samshin(immortal world) in the legend and built pavilions on that. The pavilions of the back garden were named Bongrae, Yeongju, and Bangjang, and the titles of other pavilions also had the names of hsien. The back garden of Gangwon Provincial Office was made like an immortal world, befitting its role of governing Mt. Bongrae(Mt. Geumgang.) The governors of Gangwon Province often went to the back garden and enjoyed becoming a hsien. They regarded themselves as the owners of Bongrae, i.e., the immortal world. Gangwon Provincial Office has a unique historical significance because it implemented an immortal world, making use of the characteristic of Gangwon Province.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.131-155
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• 2017

While the lecture activities in Simwonsa, Ganjae Jeon Wu(1841~1922) has established a "law of lecture activities" which was an ritual between a teacher and pupil, between the couple. Through this way he expected to recover the former ritual, even within their own school. In 1884 he built a "law of Sidong school", meaning to build a large object, elementary scholarship will serve as the rules of conduct, and argued that human nature mainly served to the core in the course of study. Ganjae in Mungyeong area was also discussing studies with Song Byeong-hwa(1852~1916) and received correspondence with scholars in areas related to Mungyeong. They were Kim Jae-kyung(1841~1926) and Park Se-hwa (1834~1910). Ganjae had also some big national events on the sojourn time in Mungyeong. In 1882 there were army incident, in 1884 there were a command of the government that people must pull on western clothes. Ganjae did not follow the command of the government. Someone asked "Can we not follow the command of the government?" Ganjae replied "We have a right to resist to the illegal command of the government. There were also 1884's Gapsin-coup, Ganjae saw that we must defend the country by rejecting foreign power and keeping our rituals. Given the above, the timing that Ganjae lectured in Mungyeong personally was a time that provided a clue to establish his core ideas. Nationally it was a time that must defend the country from foreign nations. Ganjae had faith that for keeping the country we must keep firmly our own rituals.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.249-279
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the 'strategy' of Sunzi's art of war and verifies the modern application value of it by combining the 'strategy' of the art of war with modern enterprise management. The army adopts 'war strategy' with the aim of minimizing the loss and sacrifice caused by the war and winning in the shortest time. Enterprise aims to maximize profits at the lowest cost and adopt 'business strategy'. Three factors of art of war's strategic, the 'power', 'adaptation', 'trickery', are similar to the 'internal resources analysis', 'external environment analysis' and 'information management' of the modern enterprise's management. In the process of establishing strategic plan, the art of war emphasizes 'strategy of winning' including 'prophet', 'estimates' and 'maneuvering', in the modern enterprise management, 'prophet' is shown as 'competitor analysis' of the '3C analysis' and 'benchmarking learning'. 'Estimates' is shown as 'SWOT analysis' and '4P's analysis'. 'Maneuvering' is shown as 'market positioning strategy' and 'market preemption strategy'. In the stage of implementing the strategy, 'surprise attack strategy', 'strategy of void and actuality' and 'dividing and integrating strategy' of the art of war are shown as follows in modern enterprises ; 'Surprise attack strategy' is shown as 'differentiation strategy' and 'concentration strategy', 'Strategy of void and actuality' is shown as 'information management' and 'rational market positioning strategy'. 'Dividing and integrating strategy' is shown 'diversification strategy', 'concentration strategy', 'change management', 'basic competition strategy', 'synergy effect' and etc. In terms of strategic results, the 'victory of war' of the art or war is shown as 'competitive advantage' and 'maximization of profits' in modern enterprise management strategy. In a word, although there are different names and expressions between the strategy of Sunzi's art of war and modern enterprise, but their connotation is the same. We can see that the art of war which was written in about B.C.500, has left a high utilization value for modern enterprise in rapid environmental change and intense competition.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.295-316
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• 2008

This is to study the military philosophy of Wangzhen's Commentary on Daodejing written by a famous military officer in the end of Tang Dynasty, Wangzhen. Historically, many scholars consider Laozi's Daodejing as a book on military science. Wangzhen, however, is the only person to interpret Daodejing genealogically from a military perspective. Wangzhen thinks that the fact that human beings like competing naturally causes the constant competition in the world. Human beings are born with the most outstanding spirit among all beings. But, when God created human beings, they had greed and avarice in the middle of their heart. Accordingly, human beings look for a success and a profit, and follow the wicked way, leaving the right way. The contractions among each greed and avarice bring about small or big competitions. Human beings have greed and avarice. It means human beings have emotions. As a result, the competitions in the world are not able to disappear because human beings have emotions. To win the completion human beings use weapons. According to Wangzhen, the war is the most devilish deed due to the weapon's atrocious, dangerous quality. Yet, the world's interests are decided by how efficiently the weapons are used. Consequently, the weapon techniques are worthy and play an important role in the real world. Morality, however, should be in the first priority in ruling over a country and commanding the army. The national security and the war victory could be secured when civil and military affairs have a balance. Wangzhen thinks that Laozi emphasizes "Not-Competing" as a basic solution of competition. The competition is the root cause of war and disorder. Therefore, Not-Competing is the main idea of Daodejing. Not-Competiting is a basis of Wangzhen's military philosophy as well. For Wangzhen, Not-Competing is Wuwei. Wuwei has political and military meanings at the same time. Wangzhen build up the "Not-Competing" military philosophy by applying Loazi's Daodejing to his military philosophy.