• 한국사회정책
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• 제24권4호
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• pp.151-184
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• 2017

본 연구의 목적은 외환위기 이후 우리나라 소득보장정책의 발전과정과 현황을 검토하고, 핵심 이슈와 쟁점을 정리하여, 문제점과 한계를 극복할 수 있는 미래 발전방안을 모색하는데 있다. 집중된 논의를 전개하기 위해 연구의 범위를 국민연금, 기초연금, 국민기초생활보장제도로 한정했으며, 전반적인 서술 과정에서 '사회적 보호 최저선'에 기반 하여 '보편성'과 '적절성'의 두 가치에 주목하였다. 최근 문재인 정부에서 발표한 관련 내용도 간략하게 정리했으며, 통합적 소득보장체계를 구축하기 위해 사회수당과 기본소득 중심의 긍정전략과 변혁전략을 구분하여 제시했다. 현 체계의 개선도 일부 요구되지만, 급여구조와 방식에 대한 전면적 개혁을 통해 사회적 급여의 실제적 효과를 확장하기 위한 노력이다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제23권1호
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• pp.235-276
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• 2013

Recent incidents of lethal violence in the Rakhine State of Myanmar between the majority Buddhist Rakhine and the Muslim Rohingya have been the source of much concern for the international community. Unlike the past, the killings and incendiary attacks by both communities have intensified to a critical level, proving to be a great liability for the forward-thinking Myanmar government, whose recent transition to civilian rule after a long military one has made it eager to move on. The roots of the conflict trace back to the military regime, who branded the Rohingyas living in Rakhine state as illegal immigrants and refused to confer upon them official recognition as Myanmar citizens. The discord then moved to an ethnic conflict, pitting the Rohingya not merely against the Myanmar government but rather the majority Buddhist Rakhine. The conflict, as it has developed into the present, is an immensely complicated one that simultaneously encompasses ethnic and religious issues, all intertwined together. This study aims to see how the two ethnic groups have come to resort to such violence, despite having lived in each other's presence for many centuries, and why the violence persists. It will attempt to reconcile the fact that Rakhine had historically been a place of convergence for two groups, the Buddhist Rakhine and the Rakhine Muslim(the Rohingya). Based on the argument, this study also seeks to uncover, identify, and understand the Rohingya identity with the extreme arguments exhibited by both sides, and from there, locate the underlying causes of the greater religio-ethnic conflict in Rakhine that has so ravaged the place as of recent.

• 영어영문학
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• 제55권2호
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• pp.215-240
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• 2009

This paper focuses on how Younghill Kang internalizes whiteness ideology through interracial romance to build himself as an oriental Yankee and recover his masculinity in his autobiographical novel East Goes West. This paper also focuses on Kang's strategy of racial and cultural hybridity presented in this novel. The theoretical basis of my argument is a mixture of Fanon's psychoanalysis in his Black Skin, White Masks, Bhabha's notion of mimicry in The Location of Culture, and notions related to race and gender of some Asian critics such as Patricia Chu, Jinqi Ling, and Lisa Lowe. In East Goes West, white women appear as "ladder of success" of successful assimilation and serve as cultural mediators and instructors and sometimes adversaries who Korean male immigrants have to win to establish identities in which Americanness, ethnicity, and masculinity are integrated. However, three Korean men, Chungpa Han, To Wan Kim, George Jum, who fall in love with white women fail to win their beloveds in marriage. George Jum fails to sustain a white dancer, Jun' interest. Kim wins the affection of Helen Hancock, a New England lady, but Kim commits suicide when he knows Helen killed herself because her family doesn't approve their relationship. Han's love for Trip remains vague, but Kang implies Han will continue his quest for "the spiritual home" as the name of "Trip." In East Goes West, Kang also attempts to challenge the imagining of a pure, monolithic, and naturalized white dominant U.S. Culture by exploring the cultural and racial hybridity shown by June and the various scenes of Halem in the 1920s. June who works for a Harlem cabaret is a white woman but she wears dark makeup. Kang questions the white face of America's self-understanding and racial constitution of a unified white American culture through June's racial masquerade. Kang shows that like Asian and black Americans, the white American also has an ambivalent racial identity through June's black mimicry and there is no natural and unchanging essence behind one's gender and race identity constitution.

• 영어영문학
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• 제55권2호
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• pp.241-257
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• 2009

The essay discusses the way in which the aesthetic of Pre-Raphaelites reformulates the habitual system of knowledge in the Victorian age by adapting $Ranci{\acute{e}}re^{\prime}s$ concept of aesthetics. $Ranci{\acute{e}}re$ develops an original theory of aesthetics, a regime of knowledge which enables to perceive and reflect art as such. In this way, aesthetics turns to be the logical system by which the consensus idea of the beautiful comes to exist. For $Ranci{\acute{e}}re$, aesthetics is an agreed system of the sensible and reproduces the habitual knowledge of the world. Therefore, a new aesthetic movement means an attempt to break the given aesthetics and reorients the new distribution of the sensible. The important point of $Ranci{\acute{e}}re^{\prime}s$ argument is that he does not presuppose the dimension beyond the present unlike Frankfurt School. What $Ranci{\acute{e}}re$ claims is that there is no such the aesthetic which can correct the instrumental reason, but rather an indifferent moment in which a worker finds out himself as a creator who can give rise to the new regime of the sensible and feels free from what he must work for. From this perspective, the essay explores the aesthetic of Pre-Raphaelites and its meaning in nineteenth century Britain. Pre-Raphaelites was an artist group who railed against a so-called academic style of paintings and created a new aesthetic criterion to describe the truth of the natural world. The essay examines the interrelationship between Pre-Raphaelites and photography that would enable them to re-distribute the sensible and produce a new way of seeing the order of things. This is related to the birth of a modern gaze as in the case of landscape paintings. What is crucial is that the distribution of the sensible is always-already doubled with the political. In short, Pre-Raphaeltes is not only an aesthetic movement but also a political pursuit to achieve a disenchanted perception of nineteenth century industrial capitalism.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제27권4호
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• pp.117-159
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• 2017

본 연구는 1995년부터 1999년까지 진행된 아세안 회원국 확대 과정의 추동 요인을 가입 희망국을 중심으로 분석하였다. 주요 연구 질문은 지역협력체 가입을 희망하는 국가들의 가입 결정 시기의 차이는 어떻게 설명할 수 있는가이다. 본 연구는 아세안 창설 초기 아세안에 가입하지 않았던 국가들이 왜 1990년대 중반 이후 가입을 했는지, 그리고 냉전 종식 이후 왜 각기 다른 시기에 가입을 했는지, 그 시기적 차이에 대해 주목하고 있다. 이를 위해 베트남, 라오스, 미얀마, 캄보디아의 가입 과정을 비교 분석하였다. 연구의 주요 주장은 아세안 가입의 시기적 차이는 존재하지만 궁극적으로 체제 유지와 같은 정당성 확보를 위해 지역협력체를 활용했다는 것이다. 무엇보다 지역협력체 확대에 대한 기존연구들은 국제체제 변화와 같은 거시적 측면에서 지역협력체 확대를 논의하고 있는 반면 본 연구는 개별회원국이 지역협력체에 가입하는 동기를 국내 정치 및 경제 상황에 초점을 맞춰 분석한 미시적 접근으로 이를 보완하였다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• 영미문화
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.113-139
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• 2009

Such is an elective affinity between literary studies and psychoanalysis that the latter sometime serves as a form of literary pedagogy. The affinity mainly consists in their shared concern for language. The signification of language in psychoanalysis is much similar to that of literature. Many of psychoanalytic terms and theoretical tenets bear witness to its dependence clinically on speech phenomena and theoretically on language in general. It is most true of Sigmund Freud, for whom the unconscious is in effect the linguistic unconscious. The Freudian unconscious, compressing and displacing through images and ideas, works as a text for psychoanalysis, which approach has not only paved one of the ways to poststructuralist anti-essentialism but with which literary studies also feel uncanny familiarity. Freudian psychoanalysis, starting empirically from clinical observations, discovers that words exist independent of meanings in the form of things in the unconscious system. Out of the various sensory elements of a word-thing, in psychoanalytic terms, the auditory is central. Now with the auditory imagination cultivated in the clinic, Freud figures out compression and displacement as the chief unconscious works, of which my main argument is that they are based phonetically on heteronym and homonym associations respectively. Compression and displacement work to be masks, which excites Freud's sense of challenge: his is a kind of poststructuralist approach, in the sense that the closed interrelatedness of words without external referents determines the signification in a given situation. But the works of compression and displacement, viewed in auditory terms rather than mapped on to metaphor and metonymy, can provide a new insight for a literary reading of Freud. Pursuing Freud's auditory imagination is not only an attempt to read his writing as literary text rather than for theoretical discussion, but also an experiment with the possibility of literary reading of a theoretical text in the age of after-theory.

• 한국컴퓨터정보학회논문지
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.213-218
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• 2022

본 연구의 목적은 Havruta 학습법에 적용하고 쉬우르(Shir) 및 학습자 활동 결과에 관한 연구를 진행하여 학습 역량을 향상하기 위한 방안으로 활용하였다. 연구내용으로 첫째, 문제 해결을 위한 방안을 제시 할 수 있는 역량과 다른 학생들의 질문에도 귀 기울이면서 다양한 사고의 확장을 기대할 수 있다. 둘째, 전달능력을 강화시킴과 동시에 가르치기 방법을 비교, 평가해 봄으로써 자신의 장·단점을 평가해 볼 수 있다. 셋째, 논쟁의 경험을 통해, 자신의 가치와 윤리의 확립을 견고히 하고 이를 바탕으로 논리적인 설득과 주장이 가능할 수 있도록 역량을 키울 수 있다. 넷째, 학습자 특성에 맞는 현장실무 문제점을 분석하고 상황의 명확한 이해와 응용할 수 있는 능력을 키울 수 있을 것으로 판단된다.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제32권2호
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• pp.85-114
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• 2022

When human rights disputes are related to the cross-border investments treaties, the investment arbitral tribunals are confronted with the question of how to adjudicate connected human rights violations. The traditional structure restricts arbitration proceedings to the parties named within an investment treaty, i.e., Investor-Claimant and State-Respondent. If human rights issues occur, States must act as proxies for citizens with human rights claims. This effectively excludes individuals or groups with human rights concerns and contradicts the premise of international human rights law that seeks to empower human rights-holders to pursue claims directly and on an international stage. The methods for intorducing human rights issues in the context of investment arbitration proceedings are suggested as follows: First, human rights arguments can be introduced into ISDS by the usual initiator of investment disputes: the investor as the complainant. Especially, if the jurisdictional and applicable law clauses of the respective international investment agreements are sufficiently broad to include human rights violations, adjudicating a pure human rights claim could be possible. Second, the host state may rely on human rights argumentation as a respondent of an investor claim. Human rights have played a role as a justification for state measures undertaken to comply with human rights laws. Third, third party interventions by NGOs and civil society groups as amici curiae may act as advocates for affected populations or communities in response to the reluctance of governments to introduce their own human rights duties into the investment dispute. Finally, arbitrators have also referred to human rights ex officio, i.e., without having a dispute party referring to the specific argument. This was mainly the case in the context of determining the scope of property rights and the existence of an expropriation. As all U.N. member states have human rights obligations, international investment laws must be presumed to be in conformity with the relevant human rights obligations.

• 한국컴퓨터정보학회논문지
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• 제27권3호
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• pp.149-155
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• 2022

처벌규정이 없는 불가벌적 대향자에 대한 공범규정 적용을 부정하여 처벌하지 않는다는 논거는 적극적인 관여행위까지 처벌하지 않는다는 문제점을 가지고 있다고 볼 수 있다. 이를 해결하기 위해서는 일반적인 불가벌적 대향자가 대향범 구성요건을 실현하기 위해 최소한의 정도를 초과하지 않은 경우에는 불가벌이지만, 최소한의 정도를 초과하는 경우에는 공범으로 처벌이 가능하다고 볼 수 있다. 또한 불가벌적 대향자가 보호받는 자이거나 기대가능성이 없는 경우에는 불가벌로 파악할 수 있다. 이와 같이 해석하는 것은 일방행위자에 대한 처벌규정이 없는 불가벌적 대향자에 대한 불가벌의 근거를 설명하는데 적합하다고 생각한다.