• Korean Journal of Breeding Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.463-471
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• 2018

Perilla is an oilseed crop cultivated in Korea since ancient times. Due to the high ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content in perilla, perilla seed oil can easily become rancid. ${\alpha}-Linolenic$ acid is synthesized by two enzymes, endoplasmic reticulum-localized ${\Delta}15$ desaturase (FAD3) and chloroplast-localized ${\Delta}15$ desaturase (FAD7) in vivo. In order to lower the ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content of the seed oil without disturbing plant growth, we tried to suppress the expression of only the FAD3 gene using RNA interference, whilst maintaining the expression of the FAD7 gene. Seventeen transgenic plants with herbicide ($Basta^{TM}$) resistance were obtained by Agrobacterium-mediated transformation using hypocotyls of perilla plants. The transgenic plants were firstly confirmed by treatment with 0.3% (v/v) $Basta^{TM}$ herbicide, and the expression of FAD3 was measured by Northern blot analysis. The ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content was 10-20%, 30-40%, and 60% in two, seven, and three of the twelve $T_1$ transgenic perilla plants which had enough seeds to be analyzed for fatty acid composition, respectively. Analysis of the fatty acid composition of $T_2$ progeny seeds from $T_1$ plants with the lowest ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content showed that the homozygous lines had 6-10% ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content and the heterozygous lines had 20-26% ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content. It is expected that the reduction in ${\alpha}-linolenic$ acid content in perilla seed oil will prevent rancidity and can be utilized for the production of high-value functional ingredients such as high ${\gamma}-linolenic$ acid.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to consider practical examples of the method of utilizing plant material 'lotus' used by the ancients, and the value and meaning they wanted to get from it. The method of this study to do this is descriptive study to consider and interpret poem and painting reflecting impression and concept world of lotus. Summary of this study is as follows. First, ornamental value of lotus could be divided in effect of group plant and detail value held by the flower, the leaves and the stem. Especially, group plant lotus in large site provides unique landscape differentiated form other flowering plants. As well, another feature of lotus is its high ornamental value spread in detail elements including the flower, the leaves, the stem and the lotus seed. Second, fragrance expressed 'Hyang-won-ik-cheong(香遠益淸)' is an important charm of lotus. Lotus was utilized as olfactory element providing fragrance. The ancients considered lotus fragrance not only for enjoy but as symbolic object comparing noble man's dignity so that they expressed it in poem and painting. Third, lotus was utilized as acoustical element. That is, the sound of raindrops harmonizing the surface of water and wide lotus leaves was called 'hearing lotus fond and rain', enjoying it as classic grace. Fourth, summer play lotus sightseeing was called mind wash up meaning 'washing the mind polluted by the mundane world'. Such poetic taste was widely enjoyed by various classes from general public to royal family. Besides, poetic taste related with lotus is the method of drinking alcohol using the feature of big lotus leave and vacant stem, called 'Beog-tong-ju(碧筒酒)'. And in the Joseon dynasty period, when the distinction between the man and the woman influenced by Confucian, lotus seed and 'lotus collecting song' was important sign to express romance between man and woman. Lotus has been enamored by wide classes transcending cultural background as thought and religion since ancient times. Due to such reasons, various symbolic meaning of lotus and planting examples related to religious facilities as temples could not be considered in various manner is limitation of this study, and which is research project for the future.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.197-222
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• 2009

In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.1-25
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• 2022

This paper examines whether the dynamic and practical nature of Daoism has a significant relationship with the messianic figure Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山) via Honam (湖南) Daoism's Jinindaemangron (眞人待望論, discourse on awaiting an immortal). To this end, the historical implementation of Daoism's social transformation of consciousness in China and Korea is explored, and then the circumstances of Honam Daoism, in particular, are considered. Following that, analysis turns to the 'Jinindaemangron' in the late Joseon Dynasty that developed in Honam. As a result of the discussion, Daoism's social transformation of consciousness was expressed in China through the anti-establishment activities of the early Daoist groups such as Wudoumidao (五斗米道) and Taipingdao (太平道), movements that sought to build utopias. Throughout this process, the term, zhenren (眞人, 'jinin' in Korean), that originally meant 'master,' was transformed into the idea of a future savior. In the case of Korea, the dynamic and practical nature of Daoism can be found in the preface of Nanrang tombstone (鸞郎碑序) written by Choi Chi-won (崔致遠) which was later inherited by the Danhak sect (丹學派) practitioners who struggled against Buddhist monastics. Additionally, examined is the Docham theory of geomancy (圖讖說) that rose after Goryeo, the prophecy of 'Mokjadeuksul (木子得國說 a Lee clansman shall attain the kingdom)' that appeared thereafter, and the Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄)'s 'Jinindaemangron' in the Joseon Dynasty. Next, the circumstances of Honam Daoism can be considered with regards ti Choi Chi-won and Doseon (道詵) in ancient times, and it can be confirmed that Nam Gung-du (南宮斗) and Kwon Geuk-jung (權克中) were entangled behind Kang Jeungsan. The close relationship among the Daoist Jeong family of Onyang (溫陽鄭氏), the Koh family of Jangheung (長興 高氏), and Kwon Geuk-jung was also confirmed in this study. Finally, in dealing with the 'Jinindaemangron' of Honam in the late Joseon Dynasty and the birth of Kang Jeungsan, Honam Daoism's intense consciousness of social transformation receives first focus, and this is expressed through Prophecies of Jeong Gam, and the religious ideologies of Donghak (東學) and Namhak (南學). These expressions are analyzed through Song of Gungeul (弓乙歌), composed by Jeongryeom (鄭磏), and through Daesoon Jinrihoe's The Canonical Scripture (典經). As a result, it can be confirmed that the messianic significance of the Kang Jeungsan's advent lay on the basis of the people's desire for an ideal future, which is a notion that had been ripening for several centuries.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).