• Title/Summary/Keyword: ancient columns

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A Comparative Study of Ancient Palace Ponds of Korea, China and Japan - Focus on the Recent Excavated Palace Pond - (고대 한.중.일 원지의 비교연구 - 최근 발굴된 원지를 중심으로 -)

  • 박경자
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.4
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    • pp.1-8
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    • 2002
  • The place of South Weol Dynastys authorities exhumed in the region of KangChoWu, China lies adjacent to a stone ditch through which water streams crookedly, and a dark trough of stone pond in the north side. There is a sharply curved stone ditch and a crescent-shaped water entrance made by stones. The place was separated by using stone columns and stone walls. There is a beam of ditch, a crooked entrance, a flat bridge of slate, a stepping-stone, a sluice gate, and a crooked corridor. There are big and small artificial islands, and reinforcing stone drainage way in the palace pond recently exhumed at the building site for the pavilion of Hwang-Yong Temple in Kuhwang-Dong, Gyeongju city, Korea. There are four facilities assumed to be entrance and exits at four corners and an open space on which gravel was spread extensively. A narrow road and a middle road with indefinite curves at the south of Asukakyoseki exhumed by the first, second and third and two stone buckets which one is to fill with water and the other is to drain water off like fountain are there, and besides wave protecting dam and north pond and the part that water pass were excavated. Palace ponds that were extensively distributed at old residential cities are a general phenomenon of countries in eastern Asia. Anap pond of Silla and Gungnam pond of Baekje were in Kroea. We believe that Asutnkyoseki is on the extension. Although more investigations in the background of thought and the genealogical relation about the palace pond are required, it seems that an idea was surely received from China.

A Study on Architectural Decorative Design of the Silla Buddhist Reliquaries in the $7{\sim}8th$ Centuries (7.8세기 신라 사리장엄에 표현된 건축의장 연구)

  • Kim, Sang-Tae
    • Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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    • v.16 no.4
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    • pp.3-11
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    • 2007
  • We study, in this paper, on the decorative design of the Treasure-architectural form for the Silla Buddhist reliquary and this research went through the observation on the Buddhist Reliquaries of the Song-Lim-Sa, the Eastern-Western three floor pagodas in the Kam-Eun-Sa, the three floor pagodas in the Bul-Guk-Sa and the reportedly discovered Nam-Won. The Buddhist reliquaries of these 5 Reliquaries, when compared with those of China and Japan in the same period, they worshiped the Buddhist reliquary as a Buddhist God itself and put them as a part of the architectural decoration, being installed in the construction forms. In the form and the composition of the architecture, we can see those having been designed with very detailed and brightly decorated form. The Buddhist reliquaries in the Song-Lim-Sa and Kam-Eun-Sa, the most important ones in this research, were in a royal palace shape having completely the altar part, interior space part, and the ceiling part, which inform us the whole structure of the architecture in details. In particular, for the case of Kam-Eun-Sa, the columns in the shape of bamboo trees, the expression of the gates, the terrace of double parts formed of word-shape Man, and the statue of a general with superhuman ability in the shrine explain us the description of the Gyun-Bo-Tap-Pum of Lotus Sutra. After all these researches, we conclude that the Buddhist reliquaries in form of the Treasure-architecture represented the architectural style of the same period as a form of industrial arts and we can see that they tried to use all of their highly skilled and talented methods to describe the Buddhist Pure Land.

A Study on Environmental Design Treatments of Subway Stations in Terms of Visual Cues for Place Indication - Focused on the Cases of Seoul, Tokyo and Taipei - (장소지시단서로서의 지하철역 환경디자인 기법에 관한 연구 -서울, 동경, 타이페이 사례를 중심으로-)

  • Park, Hey-Kyung
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.19 no.5 s.67
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    • pp.351-362
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    • 2006
  • Currently, finding one's way in the underground spaces associated with subway stations in large cities is becoming a serious problem, and an environment that facilitates wayfinding is becoming more important. This study investigated interior treatments that function as visual cues in the subway stations of Seoul, Tokyo, and Taipei in order to develop design guidelines that would improve the place-cognition environment. A theoretical study has shown that there are three categories of visual cue for place cognition: marked trails, regional differentiation, and landmarks. The case study showed that marked trails involve treatments like vertical markers, confrontational positioning, and subway color codes. Regional differentiation involves patterns on the floors and walls, and accent colors on the walls and columns. Landmarks include treatments such as super graphics, symbolic features, artistic decoration and special lights. In the cases of Seoul, marked trails and regional differentiation were predominant. In addition, the Olympic symbol 'Hodori' and the ancient Korean character "Hunminjungeum" were used as landmarks. In the cases of Tokyo, regional differentiation predominated over marked trails because of the complexity of the spatial structure and subway line connection system. In the cases of Taipei, simple, unified images predominated, and there was minimal dependence on marked trails and landmarks. The need for regional differentiation was weak, because the stations studied have open structures that guarantee an open field of view. The results of this research could be used as design guidelines, after further experimental verification, that would help to improve the public environment in terms of wayfinding.

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Species Identification of Wooden Elements Used for Daewungjeon Hall in the Bukjijangsa Temple, Daegu, Korea (대구 북지장사 대웅전 목부재의 수종 식별)

  • Yeon, Jung-A;Park, Won-Kyu
    • Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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    • v.41 no.3
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    • pp.201-210
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    • 2013
  • The purpose of this study was to examine the species of 117 wooden elements which were used in the Daewungjeon Hall (National Treasure No. 805, constructed in A. D. 1659) of Bukjijangsa Temple, Daegu, Korea. Pillars were identified as 5 red pines (hard pines; most likely, Pinus densiflora S. et Z.), 2 Cerris section of subgenus Lepidobalanus (deciduous oaks) and 3 Tsuga spp. Hwalju columns were 3 Abies spp. and 1 red pine. Head-penetrating ties were 8 red pines and 1 Cerris sp.; Pyeongbang, 3 red pines and 6 Cerris spp. Purlins were identified as 17 red pines, 16 Cerris spp. and 1 Tsuga sp. Angle rafters were 3 red pines and 1 Cerris sp., and end angle rafters, 2 red pines, 1 Zelkova serrata and 1 exotic hard pine. All of brackets (31 woods), jangyeo (4) and deot-chunyeo (2) were identified as red pines. As a whole, red pines (70.1%) and Cerris (22.2%) were major species used in the Daewungjeon Hall of Bukjijangsa Temple. Tsuga, Abies and exotic hard pines seem imported woods used for recent repairs.

A Study on the Restoration of the Wangheungsa Temple's Wooden Pagoda (왕흥사 목탑의 복원 연구)

  • Kim, Kyeong-Pyo;Sung, Sang-Mo
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.19 no.3
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    • pp.7-29
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    • 2010
  • The form of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is that of the traditional form of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. Likewise, it is an important ruin for conducting research on the form and type of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. In particular, the method used for the installation of the central pillar's cornerstone is a new technique. The purpose of this research is to restore the ruin of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period that remains at the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site. Until now, research conducted on the wooden pagoda took place mostly centered on the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Meanwhile, the reality concerning Baekjae's wooden pagoda is one in which there were not many parallel cases pertain to the design for restoration. This research paper wants to conduct academic examination of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda to organize the intention of design and design process in a simple manner. This research included review of the Baekjae Period's wooden pagoda related ruins and the review of the existing wooden pagoda ruin to analyze the wooden pagoda construction technique of the era. Then, current status of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is identified to define the characteristics of the wooden pagoda, and to set up the layout format and the measure to estimate the size of the wooden pagoda in order to design each part. Ultimately, techniques and formats used for the restoration of the wooden pagoda were aligned with the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period. Basically, conditions that can be traced from the current status of the Wangheungsa Temple site excavation using the primary standards as the standard. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was designed into the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae's prosperity phase. The plane was formed into $3{\times}3$ compartments to design into three tier pagoda. The height was decided by factoring in the distance between the East-West corridors, size of the compartment in the middle, and the view that is visible from above the terrace when entering into the waterway. Basically, the origin of the wooden structure format is based on the Goguryeo style, but also the linkage with China's southern regional styles and Japan's ancient wooden pagoda methods was factored in. As for the format of the central pillar, it looks as if the column that was erected after digging the ground was used when setting up the columns in the beginning. During the actual construction work of the wooden pagoda, central pillar looks as if it was erected by setting up the cornerstone on the ground. The reason that the reclaimed part of pillar that use the underground central cornerstone as the support was not utilized, was because the Eccentric Load of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in the state of the layers of soil piled up one layer at a time that is repeated with the yellow clay and sandy clay and the yellow clay that were formed separately with the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle at the upper part of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in as well. Thus, it was presumed that the central pillar was erected in the actual design using the ground style format. It is possible to presume the cases in which the reclaimed part of pillar were used when constructed for the first time, but in which central pillar was installed later on, after the supplementary materials of the underground column is corroded. In this case, however, technique in which soil is piled up one layer at a time to lay down the foundation of a building structure cannot be the method used in that period, and the reclamation cannot fill up using the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle. Thus, it was presumed that the layers of soil for building structure's foundation was solidified properly on top of the central pillar's cornerstone when the first wooden pagoda construction work was taking place, and that the ground style central pillar was erected on its upper part by placing the cornerstone once again. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda is significant from the structure development aspect of the Korean wooden pagodas along with the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda construction technique which was developed during the prosperity phase of the Baekjae Period is presumed to have served as a role model for the construction of the Iksan Mireuksa Temple's wooden pagoda and Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. With the plan to complement the work further by excavating more, the basic wooden pagoda model was set up for this research. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was constructed as at the Baekjae Kingdom wide initiative, and it was the starting point for the construction of superb pagoda using state of the art construction techniques of the era during the Baekjae's prosperous years, amidst the utmost interest of all the Baekjae populace. Starting out from its inherent nature of enshrining Sakyamuni's ashes, it served as the model that represented the unity of all the Baekjae populace and the spirit of the Baekjae people. It interpreted these in the most mature manner on the Korean peninsula at the time.

A problem of authenticity in the chapter 'Confucius became aged, and liked "The Book of Changes"' of yao 要, "essentials," seen throughout 『帛書周易』 the Mawangdui Boshu Zhouyi Manuscript. -in relation to Confucius and 『易』"The Changes"- (『백서주역(帛書周易)』 「요(要)」의 '부자노이호역(夫子老而好易)'장의 진위(眞僞) 문제 -공자와 『역』의 관계를 중심으로-)

  • Kim, Sang-sup
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.129
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    • pp.1-22
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    • 2014
  • Columns 12-18 record a conversation between an aged Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong concerning the Changes and especially the role of divination in its use. The last section, from the bottom of column 24, concerns the hexagrams Sun損, "Decrease," and Yi益, "Increase," which Confucius is here made to regard as the culmination of wisdom in the Zhouyi. The conversation between Confucius and Zi Gong, and especially Zi Gong's apparent misunderstanding of Confucius's interest in the text, has already attracted considerable scholarly interest. Zi Gong criticizes Confucius for changing his teaching about the importance of the Zhouyi and for performing divinations. Confucius responds that while he does indeed perform divinations. there is a major difference between his use of the text and that of others: he regards the I Ching as a repository of an ancient wisdom. This would seem to signal recognition of a dramatic change in the function and status of the text. Zi Gong said: "Does the Master also believe in milfoil divination?" The Master said: "I am right in only seventy out of one hundred prognostications. Even with the prognostications of Liangshan of Zhou one necessarily follows it most of the time and no more." The Master said: "As for the Changes, I do indeed put its prayers and divinations last, only observing its virtue and property. Intuiting the commendations to reach the number, and understanding the number to reach virtue, is to have humaneness and to put it into motion properly. If the commendation do not lead to the number, then merely acts as a magician; if the number does not lead to virtue, then one merely acts as a scribe. The divinations of scribes and magicians tend toward it but are not yet there; delight in it but are not correct. Perhaps it will be because of the Changes that sires of later generations will doubt me. I seek its virtue and nothing more. I am on the same road as the scribes and magicians but end up differently. The conduct of the gentleman's virtue is to seek blessings; that is why he sacrifices, but little; the righteousness of his humaneness is to seek auspiciousness; that is why he divines, but rarely. Do not the divinations of priest and magicians come last!" Although Confucius says two ways of the symbolic numbers and virtue-property, he emphasizes his way of virtue and property more important. In fact he who wrote in Yao 要, "essentials," Confucius's saying describes his own viewpoints of the Changes throughout the conversations between Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong, and is only to borrow the name of Confucius. Furthermore, quoting the original text in Yao 要, "essentials," in sequence, also comparing the materials of "the Analects of Confucius論語," with "the Shih chi史記," this thesis will be centered to a great extent on the relative similarity and differences between the Mawangdui Boshu Zhouyi Manuscript and the received text, and discussed the authencity of Yao 要, "essentials," of the contents shown in the chapter of 'Confucius became aged, and liked "The Book of Changes."' the relation of Confucius and the Changes will be clarified naturally through this progress.