• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.105-114
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• 2019

Yeongbojeong was a famous pavilion of Joseon, which was located in Chungcheong-Suyeong, Ocheon-myeon, Boryeong-si. It was an open place for poets and calligraphers to freely visit during 400 years. Until today, it is widely said that Yeongbojeong was newly built by LeeRyang in 1504, who was Sugunjeoldosa(naval forces officer). The researcher investigated Gyujanggak to search Lee Maenghyu's "Asulrok-Book", and it was determined that Yeongbojeong was created by Gang Soon, 36 years earlier than LeeRyang. Accordingly, this research aimed at determining the appropriateness of the creation of Yeongbojeong. "Asulrok-Book", which said, "Yeongbojeong was Wonjeong(園亭) of Gang Soon during Yejong's reign", however this research could settle imperfection of Geungeo Gimun which was not clearly explained. Yeongbojeong was created due to Gang Soon's Wonjeong in 1468, however he was also a traitor and was executed, so that nobody wanted to mention about it. Therefore, it was determined that no phrase related to the record of creation of Yeongbojeong by Gang Soon out of lots of Yongbojeong Jeyoungsi and Gimun. Lee Maenghyu was a brave scholar who recorded 'Yeongbojeong was Gang Soon's Wonjeong' confidently, breaking such taboo. This research intended to clearly investigate the year of foundation of Yeongbojeong and establish the history of Chungcheong-Suyeong by thoroughly analyzing newly discovered "Asulrok-Book", existing "Ocheong GoonJi", and "Chungcheongsaryejib" and considering the fact relevance. As the result of this research, it was determined that Yeongbojeong was Gang Soon's Wonjeong through "Asulrok-Book". The point that Yeongbojeong was forfeited reverted to neighboring Chungcheong-Suyeong after Gang Soon was executed due to his participation in a conspiracy also was a newly discovered fact. LeeRyang, Sugunjeoldosa, can be said a brave commander, since he put up the original Yeongbojeong instead of abandoning the name Yeongbojeong of Gang soon. So far, Yeongbojeong is widely accepted as 'new construction of Yeongbojeong by LeeRyang in 1504'. However, since the record of Gang Soon's Wonjeong was discovered, and as the result of diversified analysis and examination, it is proper to correct the foundation year of Yeongbojeong as 1468.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.77-87
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• 1971

A study of the knowledge, attitude and practices about the maternal and child health of 305 married women residing in apartments at the Yonsei Community Health area was conducted during the period from November to December 1970 using designed questionnaire with well trained interviewers. The results and findings obtained from the study are summarized as follows: A. Pregnancy and Birth Questions were asked about their last child. 1. 16.4% of the women were pregnant. 2. Among 281 women who had experienced delivery, 48.0% were assisted by doctor or midwisves for their last delivery, while the rest of women delivered their last baby at home without any professional's assistance. The higher the level of education or the greater exposure to mass communication, the more the deliveries were assisted by doctors or midwives. Those women who were born and raised in cities had more deliveries assisted by doctors and midwives than those who were not. 3. Kinds of delivery sheets used. Among 141 cases of home delivery 68% used cement bag paper or vinyl sheets. Three% used nothing and remained used unsterile materials. 4. Among 141 cases of home delivery, 70.2% used scissors. The rest of them used other methods. 5. 47.3% of the women had a rest for one month or more after birth. The higher the level of education, the longer the period of rest was observed. 6. 52.4% of the women fed the colostrum to their babies. This was not related to the mother's education. 7 About half(42.9%) of the women had poor knowledge about a proper diet for the pre and post natal period. B. Child Health 1. Knowledge and practice regarding to the immunization for their children: Most of the women (93.2%) could name at least one kind of immunization. 20.3% could name 6 kinds of immunization. Mothers education level did not influence their ability to name immunizations. 85.2% of children had been immunized at least once. 2. Morbidity of last born children: 48.1% of their last born children were found to have been sick during the last year. Less than half(41.5%) of the sick children were seen by doctor. 3. Counselling at well baby clinic: Most of the women(76.5%) had no counselling for their children. Registration rate at the well baby clinic at the Severance Hospital was 13.2%. 45.9% wanted to visit to the well baby clinic at the Severance Hospital. 4. Weaning Period: 44.6% said that the beginning of the weaning for their last born children was from 6 months to twelve months of age. The most important reason of weaning was the health of both mothers and children. 5. Knowledge and Practice regarding birth and death Registration: 64.6% of the women could name correctly the Ku-office as the place for the registration. Only 29.2% registered the birth of their last born children within 14 days. C. Knowledge, Attitude and Practice regarding to family planning Most: of the women accepted the idea of family planning. 97.7% could name at least one contraceptive method. 35.4% were found to be current users of contraceptive methods. The ideal number of children was 3.1 in average.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.6
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• pp.89-130
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• 1993

Huh-joon's medical thoughts shown on his medical book of the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham can be summerized as follows. 1. The general trend of medical science in Koryo dynasty is that much more interests were concentrated upon the books about curative means rather than upon the books about theoretical knowledge of medical science. With the development of Hyang Yak(鄕樂) (the term referring either various kinds of domestic medical stuffs such as herbs or the curative methods using those stuffs) and the writing of books on Hyang Yak, independent medical science of the nation's own was established in late Koryo dynasty. And the national medical science was continuously further developed until early Choson dynasty. Briskly-expanded mutual exchanges with China in early Choson dynasty provided Choson opportunities to import Chinese medical science and to examine it. Under this circumstances, he wrote the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2. As we look over the preface and Chip-Rae-Muo(集例文), we can find the characterstic of Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham is that the philosophical theory of Taoism was quoted in explaining the principles of his medical science and that the main idea of Naekyuog is the basis in explaining the way of curing diseases. 3. 83 kinds of medical books were quoted in the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham. Besides, as many as 200 kinds of books including Tao-tzu's teaching books(道書), history books(史書), almanac(曆書), and Confucius' teaching books(儒家書籍) were quoted in total. Naekyuog and Eue-Hak-Ip-Mun, Dan-Kye-Sim-Bup were the most frequently quoted books among them. 4. Huh-Joon's medical thoughts about health care were like these. 1) The reason why Huh-Joon regarded the idea of health care as of great importance was that he laid much more emphasises on the preventive medicines rather than on the remedial medicines. The direct reason was that he was greatly influenced by profound knowledge of Taoist's study of discipline and who participated in the editing the books from the beginning. 2) Huh-Joon's outlook on human body started from the theory of "Unity of Heaven and Man"(天人合一論), which implied man was a kind of miniature universe. In addition to that, he largely theory of essence(精), vital force(氣), and spirit(神) which were regarded very important as the three most valuable properties in Taoism. However, he took his medical ground on practical and pragmatic idea that he did not discuss fundamental essence(元精), fundamental vital force(元氣), and fundamental spirit(元神) which were given by Heaven from the received only the theory of essence, vital force, and spirit which were acquired after birth and worked mainly on realistic activity of life. 3) Huh-loon accepted Do-In-Bup(導引法) sharply as a method to prevent and cure diseases. 5. Huh-loon's medical thoughts on remedial aspects are as 1) Naekyung was considered so important in Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham that not only each paragraph was begun with the Quotations from Nackyung but also the edited order of the content of the book the same with that of Naekyung. And differently from the former korean medical books he accepted at large and recorded the theories of the four noted physicians of the Geum-Won era(金元四大家) by Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2) For the first time, Huh-Joon introduced the theory of Un-Ki (運氣論) in the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kahm. However, he accepted it as a pathological function of human body but he did not apply physical constitution, physiological function, pathological function, and remedial methods. 3) Huh-loon liked to use Hyang Yak that he recorded korean name of Hyang Yak(鄕名), places of the production(産地), the time of collecting(採取時月), and the way of drying herbs(陰陽乾正法) in the remedial method of a single medicine prescription for diseases at the end of each paragraph. By doing so, he developed, arranged, and revived Hyang Yak. 4) He believed that since the natural features of China were different from those of Korea the reasons of being attacked with its remedial methods couldn't be the same with different from Chinese medical books which primarily focused on paralysis and the injury of the cold has his own structure in his book that he founded independent science of this nation. He consulted enormous documents He discovered and wrote the theory and therefore concrete methods for diseases so that the book hadthe principles of outbreak of diseases(理), methods of cure(法), prescription(方), and a single medicine prescription(藥) and set system of medical science in a good order. By doing so, he and pragmatic development of medical science.

• Journal of Engineering Education Research
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• v.22 no.6
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• pp.51-63
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• 2019

This study aims to present concept of "gong" which was shared by traditional East Asian societies (Korea, China and Japan) and to identify how it has been developed through their respective process of modernization and industrialization. Despite the territorial proximity of the three countries, their industrial and technological development followed different patterns, and the notion of engineering from the Occident was also accepted and reconstructed with a certain difference in each country. Japan had developed its own concept of engineering as part of industrialization in Western style and in the context of establishment of an imperialist nation. What was important for Japan was how engineering could contribute to the national development of technology and industry, and to the development of Imperial Japan. For China, which attached importance to resistance to Western civilizations and to strengthening the competitiveness for and which needed to resolve domestic political conflicts, engineering constituted more than a simple issue on technological and industrial dimension; it was also associated with obtaining ethical and political legitimacy which would allow the nation to gain support from the working and peasant classes. Though belated, Korean attempted to build an independent modern state, yet experienced a considerable nuisance from the invasion of Japan and the protracted colonial period. Engineering of Korea had to take a long time before emerging from backwardness especially because of Japanese policies which tended to restrict technological development and avoid fostering qualified engineers in the colony. Therefore, engineering in Korea started to contribute to the nation's development and the improvement of technological competitiveness only after it was combined with modern higher education after liberation, under the name of engineering science (工學, gong-hak). This study argues that our recognition of what engineering was for and who engineers were in East Asia will allow us to evaluate current status of engineering education and provide us with significant insight which will be useful when we imagine the future society. Identity of engineering in Korea, China, and Japan has been developed along with historical contexts such as clash of civilizations, wars, recovery of sovereignty and obtaining of national competitiveness; now, what will be combined with engineering in the next generation? This question will lead and motivate engineering students to think and imagine about what future engineering should be and how they respond to it.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.17
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• pp.85-114
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• 2008

One of the features of record management during the Gabo Reform is that the documents office controled producing and distribution of records. The records completed the operations were sent the record office and classified and arranged. previous researches understood this record management system during Gabo Reform were introduced from Japan. This article clarifies that new record management system settled through Meiji Restoration were introduced from German(Prussian) registry system at the time. However, German registry system managed current records and this system was based on modern record management system which open the records to the public with archives. Japan accepted only registry system, current record management system of German, and didn't established archives at Meiji regime. It is same with Joseon Dynasty during the Gabo Reform regime. Therefore, the record related regulation at the Gabo Reform regime could not be judged to be a modern system. The regulations on records at Gabo Reform regime had no terms about people's right or open the records to the public which decides modern record regulations. The meaning of record system during Gabo Reform regime is that the value of records and name of organizations coincides with record life cycle. The documents office managed current records and record office classified and filed closed records. Concept of "current record=document=documents office, non-current record=record= record office" didn't succeed to today. The term 'record' is used as current record or non-current record without difference.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.89-112
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• 2009

Park Se-dang who has the pen name of Seogye is a man in the 17th century. Then, Joseon Dynasty is try to restore the state which became impoverished by two wars. When Sung Confucianism of Chu-tz was dogmatized, Seogye analyzed independently the scriptures and was regarded as a traitor against Sung Confucianism. Therefore, this paper discussed the understanding of Seogye's works and its social reflection through the research data about Seogye. Although Seogye has blue blood in his veins, he belonged to a non-mainstream group in the faction of Seo-in and had a liberal inclination. That he has shuned in the school of Sung Confucianism owed to Sabyeunrok of his work, and its main reason is his criticism against Song Si-yeul. He argued the two principles different from Chu-tz's three principles. Also, he not accepted the Chu-tz's theory and was similar to the Wang Yangming school in the issue of gaining knowledge by the study of things Now to conclude, Seogye outstretched the liberal inclination in Sung Confucianism apart from the interpretation of scriptures. He was not indulged in Sung Confucianism of Chu-tz that was gradually ossifying at that time and took his own line. And he devoted himself to the study of practical learning and the education for younger scholars, and had acted as mediator between the Sung Confucianism of Chu-tz and the Practical Science that was in full bloom in the period of King Young-jo and King Jeong-jo.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.27-35
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• 2021

This study investigated the status of the wh-island constraint in Seoul Korean. The syntactic movement of a wh-phrase out of an embedded sentence so as to have wide scope at LF is known to be invalid as it violates the wh-island constraint, but there have been studies in which such a movement was possible when the sentence is read with a wh-intonation. We conducted perceptual tests in which subjects were asked to select an answer after listening to each of the four types of interrogative sentences. Three of them were with 'Nugu-leul', which is an accusative form of the wh-phrase 'who' as well as an indefinite form. The fourth sentence contained the name of a person. 'Nugu-leul' and the noun were positioned in the same embedded sentence to see whether the subjects accepted a matrix scope interpretation of the wh-phrases. Response time was transformed to normalized log response time and checked to find any differences in the time taken to select the answers depending on different types of interrogative sentences. The results showed the subjects had a definite preference for the matrix scope interpretation for the sentences with a wh-intonation. The response time required to select the matrix scope interpretation was longer than for any other type of interrogative sentence. We concluded that the wh-island constraint in Seoul Korean is weak.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.110 no.2
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• pp.179-188
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• 2021

Biodiversity informatics applies information technology methods in organizing, accessing, visualizing, and analyzing primary biodiversity data and quantitative data management through the scientific names of accepted names and synonyms. We reviewed the GBIF data published by China, Japan, Taiwan, and internal institutes, such as NIBR, NIE, and KNA of the Republic of Korea, and assessed data in diverse aspects of data quality using BRAHMS software. Most data from four Asian countries have quality problems with the lack of data consistency and missing information on georeferenced data, collectors, collection date, and place names (gazetteers) or other invalid data forms. The major problem is that biodiversity management institutions in East Asia are using unstructured databases and simple spreadsheet-type data. Owing to the nature of the biodiversity information, if data relationships are not structured, it would be impossible to secure the data integrity of scientific names, human names, geographical names, literature, and ecological information. For data quality, it is essential to build data integrity for database management and training systems for taxonomists who are continuous data managers to correct errors. Thus, publishers in East Asia play an essential role not only in using specialized software to manage biodiversity data but also in developing structured databases and ensuring their integration and value within biodiversity publishing platforms.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.1-9
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to determine the definition of traditional landscape and the appropriate English notation. To confirm the appropriate concept, the charter's relevant terminology was synthesised and the meaning of the vocabulary used in international studies was examined. ICOMOS The Charter on Historic Gardens(The Florebce Charter, 1981), ICOMOS-IFLA Document on Historic Urban Parks(New Delhi, 2017), and UNESCO Recommendation on The Historic Urban Landscape(Paris, 2011) were analysed to examine the concept, and the words describing definitions, space, objects, value, and activity were arranged. Big data was used to analyse the research literature related to overseas traditional landscapes. This study examined the characteristics of each word and examined the appropriate name for expressing the historic and cultural characteristics of landscape in research literature, which included traditional, historic, cultural, classical, vernacular, landscape-related gardens, parks, and landscape words related to historic culture. Consequently, the International Charter declared the suitability of 'historic' gardens and parks, as well as traditional landscape for expressing unique designs, composition technique, and ecological meaning of Korea, while historic landscape was deemed suitable for explaining gardens and parks in landscape history.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.