• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.301-332
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• 2009

The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.39-70
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• 2014

Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung either accepted Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was or modified it. In this study, his Neo-Confucianism was divided into acceptance and modification in Yulgok Neo-Confucianism and examined. In the acceptance of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, it was clarified that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung thoroughly inherited characteristics of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, including 'Yiguijimyo', 'Yitongguiguk' and 'Guibalyiseungildo'. However, Myungjae was not just satisfied with inheriting Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was, but modified and inherited the theory of Yulgok by suggesting his own original preaching. There were three original preaching of his in overall; 'emphasis on the control of Li', 'argument method on a theory of gaining knowledge by the study of things', and 'perception on moral mind, human mind and human desire'. Ultimately, it is concluded that Myungjae modified, inherited and developed Yulgok Neo-Confucianism to adjust a theory of Neo-Confucianism in a position of 'Yiguijimyo', based on 'a theory of Guibalyiseungildo' of Yulgok as a Confucian scholar of Giho school. It is consistent with his life philosophy that he avoided speculative arguments on Neo-Confucianism and pursued solid study(實工) with solid mind(實心). It is also consistent with his view of learning that he believed that theories of ancient sages were already rich that we should read them and practice their true knowledge(眞知), and making an effort on writing regardless of them was not a study of Mushil(務實). However, due to his younger students, he was classified as a scholar who emphasized the control of 'Li' the most in Yulgok school, and a new academic tie of Giho Soron was created. It is the most important significance that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae has in that of Giho.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.116
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• pp.313-350
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• 2010

This article studies criticism leveled at Yulgok scholarship by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region. The Toegye School (Yulgok School) was formed both by theoretical contention and constructive criticism with its counterparts. Accordingly, the main intellectual traits of the Toegye School may not be fully appreciated by inquiring into its theoretical structure and context only; rather, this study proposes that a sound understanding of the Toegye School must be accompanied simultaneously with an analysis on aspects of the altercation with the Yulgok School of the time. In this regard, this article primarily aims to shed light on the Toegye School's theoretical context through surveying the criticism leveled by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region, which hold steadfast adherents to the discipline among other regions, against the Yulgok scholarship. Embracing the Confucian ethic, the philosophical principles of the Toegye School based on autonomy of 'Li'(理), i.e. ethical objectivism, basically aimed at reaching the state of self-manifestation. Namely, the main objective of the Toegye School was to anchor the way how the school understood existential form and cause of the universe to an ethical foundation in a crystal clear way and, accordingly, this belief in which the Toegye School gave a priority to 'Li' rather than 'Gi'(氣) must have given an advantageous position in terms of theoretical clarity over its counterparts. Furthermore, the crux of the Confucian ethical world view in the Toegye School's modes of inquiry could berevealed by the Toegye's 'Libal(理發)-theory'. From this point of view, the fundamental criticism that could be waged by the Toegye School was against Yulgok scholarship's gross misconception of perceiving 'Gi' as 'Li.' Scholars and commentators in the Toegye School severely disapproved of the possibility of ethical objectivism of Yulgok scholarship.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

Toegye and Yulgok both tried to obtain the extent of goodness from the emotion they feel in reality. Toegye thought the extent of goodness is being obtained by Li[理], Yulgok thought it by Chi[氣]. But Four Bases[四端] as goodness from Li[理] would possibly threat the human identity, and the emotion of appropriateness as goodness from Chi[氣] doesn't even prove itself that it is appropriate. They explain the problems and answers through Theory of Human Mind?Moral Mind. Toegye explains that Moral Mind is meaningful as it make people identify themselves as moral existence, Yulgok explains Moral Mind is meaningful that it satisfies standard of appropriateness. While Toegye and Yulgok define Moral Mind and Human Mind as emotion of Yi-fa[已發], Chutzu defines Moral Mind and Human Mind as consciousness. and he defines consciousness as 'preparing Li(理) and practicing the emotion'. So according to Chutzu, Moral Mind and Human Mind derives the reaction from the Li(理) in order to respond to the external stimulation. Supervision of mind is completed by consciousness of Moral Mind. It means that mind not limited to Yi-fa[已發]. Then we should think that Toegye and Yulgok's Theory of Human Mind?Moral Mind is something newly resulted from their own philosophic problem. Toegye and Yulgok's Theory of Human Mind?Moral Mind is commonly explaining human mind in experiential aspect, and it will be esteemed as definite and realistic theory of Mind because it emphasizes willingness which motivates an essential activity.

• Journal of Oriental Neuropsychiatry
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.165-181
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• 2018

Objectives: The purpose of this study is to use in therapy through considering representative oriental philosophical thought in terms of psychotherapy and Oriental medicine. Methods: This study examines psychotherapy and oriental aspects of "Diagram theory of InShimDoShim" that Yulgok, a Neo-Confucian scholar in the Joseon Dynasty, wrote about action of the mind and suggests ways to use it. Results and Conclusion: Diagram theory of InShimDoShim contains much content that can be applied in psychotherapy. It has a positive perspective of human nature and looked at life as realization of nature and life as subjective self-realization. Positive and negative experiences of life are expressions of positive nature. By reinterpreting these experiences, humans contribute to the goal of life that expresses their nature in a healthy way. Yulgok defines a healthy mind capable of living a good life as "an inshim who listens to doshim's command". Therapists can adopt this mindset as the goal of psychotherapy. Yulgok said that the way of manifesting nature is only possible through energy, and that the clear and tidy of this temperament creates a healthy and unhealthy mind. In this part, it is possible to apply therapeutic intervention of the diagram theory of InShimDoShim and Oriental medicine. Oriental medicine can calm temperament by using a treatment method to regulate energy, and clear energy creates a healthy mind and body. The principle that the mind is composed of nature and energy provides a basis for psychosomatic medicine.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.20
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• pp.51-73
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• 2004

The goal of work is to Metaphysics (the science of human nature and natureal laws) and Ecology of Gosangugokga<고산구곡가>. Gosangugokga is the harmony of nature and human. The fundamental idea of Metaphysics and Ecology are each same. Gosangugokga is the works of Yunsijo(연시조) by the Yulgok(율곡) and formulated ten-lines. Yulgok was Korean famous a Confucian scholar. His thought summarized that is Likizimyo(이기지묘) Litongkiguk(이통기국). Kiballiseung (기발이승). Yulgok was an espeaially emphasize to the harmony of nature and human. Gosangugokga is the appearance of Yulgok's thought. And so, it is possible throughout Gosangugokga was the metaphysical recognize of ecology. The works of a recognition of residence, the rotation of four seasons. the company with life were the metaphysical recognize of ecology in Gosangugokga. The contents of a Gosangugokga is the fundamental idea of metaphysics. Then, that is the closely related to the ecology. Therefore this dissertation studied the Gosangugokga by investigating a relationship between metaphysics and ecology.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.189-222
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• 2012

This study aims to explore Yulgok Yi I(栗谷 李珥)'s political intention through his presenting Seonghakjibyo(The Essentials of the Studies of the Sages, 聖學輯要) to the King Seonjo(宣祖), paying attention to his political situation in early reign of the King. Until presenting the book to the King in December 1576(the 8th year of King Seonjo's reign), Yulgok had been neglected from the political development of the King. So his presenting Seonghakjibyo, which basically professed the perfection of the studies of the Sages(聖學), to the King included another aim to convert the King's negative view on him by synthesizing his political views and appealing to the King. Yulgok's political views are intensively summarized in the book's beginning "Jincha(進箚)" and the final chapter "Seonghyeondotong(聖賢道統)". Through "Jincha", he recalled the past of his political situation during early reign of the King and expressed his own will to participate in the government again by presenting this book that was the summary of his political views. Then through "Seonghyeondotong", he suggested his own specific political opinions to the King as the successor of Taotong(道統) in Chosun by expressing such an ethos that he succeeded directly to Chutzu(朱子). This study firstly tries to identify Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪 李滉)'s presenting Seonghaksibdo(The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, 聖學十圖) to the King and Yulgok's successive will on it. Then we will review the times till presenting Seonghakjibyo to the King, 8 years of early reign of King Seonjo when he had been neglected from the political development of the King. Finally we will specifically analyze how his political views are expressed in each beginning and final chapter of the book.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.305-334
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• 2008

This paper is intended to present the philosophical thoughts of Yu Won-Ji who was one of famous scholars in The School of Toegye. He criticized Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang(Yeohyeon) because they regarded Li and Ch'i as one. Yi was considered an actual founder of their theoretical and political rival party called the School of Yulgok. Jang also refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory, which emphasized the unity of Li(principle) and Ch'i(material force). Therefore Yu might well exclude Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang and criticize their theories severely. First, he was convinced that Toegye's doctrine(Li-Gi-Ho-Bal-Seol) was a orthodox theory accurately succeeding to Jhu Xi's learning. Secondly, he criticised Yi I(Yulgok) for looking upon Li and Ch'i as one thing. Thirdly, he regarded Jang's doctrine as same with Yulgok's. Fourthly, he thought it is necessary to criticize Jang's theory in order to preserve Toegye's learning and establish the theoretical identity of the Toegye School.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.345-377
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• 2017

Jang Hyeongwang is one of the leading scholars since the era of Toe'gye and Yulgok in Korean Confucianism. Thus, this paper will summarize his schooling, i.e., education in local school(Hyanggyo), specific activities, and the meaning of moral education. Although Toe'gye and Yulgok recognized the problems of local school and their indictment revealed in 16th century, they sought different solutions to overcome the issues. Toe'gye paid attention to establishment of local academy(Seowon) and strengthening its stature in order to renew Confucian education while Yulgok kept an eye on reformation of local school as government educational institution for revitalizing schooling, fostering the talented and establishing moral discipline. In this context, I will summarize Yeoheon's perspective on schooling in terms of the difference with Toe'gye and Yulgok's ideas. Especially, I will analyze his problematique paying attention to restoration of moral order in local communities devastated since Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and how it makes connection with local education and its implication. Furthermore, I will systematically examine the educational regulation of Indong local school(Indong Hyanggyo) he proposed and what its contents and real body he intended. In addition to these, I will suggest how much Yeohon's ideas on local education are meaningful in moral education and what kind of insightful things they would give us in current educational environments.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.447-468
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• 2009

Jeong Si-Han(1625-1707), one of the main representatives of Toegye School in The mid-Korea Dynasty, seeking to live in seclusion of his life engaged in research work, respected by scholars for generations. He, Together with Yi Hyeon Il(1627-1704), carried out a systematic study of Toekye's Interpretation of the "Four Buddings" and "Seven Feelings". In this paper, from a comparative point of view, The author studied Jung Sihan's Li-Qi Theory, Four-Seven Theory, Human Mind and Mind of the Dao. Although his theory of interpretation about Li-Qi Theory, Four-Seven Theory, is the tendency of compromise Toegye and Yulgok's thought, but from the master and servant and upper and lower relationship between Li-Qi and Four-Seven Theory, Jung Sihan preferred the thought of Toegye. The characteristics of Human Mind and Mind of the Dao is Emphasis on Zhu Xi's theory about human mind of "is-to-be"