• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.305-334
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• 2008

This paper is intended to present the philosophical thoughts of Yu Won-Ji who was one of famous scholars in The School of Toegye. He criticized Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang(Yeohyeon) because they regarded Li and Ch'i as one. Yi was considered an actual founder of their theoretical and political rival party called the School of Yulgok. Jang also refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory, which emphasized the unity of Li(principle) and Ch'i(material force). Therefore Yu might well exclude Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang and criticize their theories severely. First, he was convinced that Toegye's doctrine(Li-Gi-Ho-Bal-Seol) was a orthodox theory accurately succeeding to Jhu Xi's learning. Secondly, he criticised Yi I(Yulgok) for looking upon Li and Ch'i as one thing. Thirdly, he regarded Jang's doctrine as same with Yulgok's. Fourthly, he thought it is necessary to criticize Jang's theory in order to preserve Toegye's learning and establish the theoretical identity of the Toegye School.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.189-222
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• 2012

This study aims to explore Yulgok Yi I(栗谷 李珥)'s political intention through his presenting Seonghakjibyo(The Essentials of the Studies of the Sages, 聖學輯要) to the King Seonjo(宣祖), paying attention to his political situation in early reign of the King. Until presenting the book to the King in December 1576(the 8th year of King Seonjo's reign), Yulgok had been neglected from the political development of the King. So his presenting Seonghakjibyo, which basically professed the perfection of the studies of the Sages(聖學), to the King included another aim to convert the King's negative view on him by synthesizing his political views and appealing to the King. Yulgok's political views are intensively summarized in the book's beginning "Jincha(進箚)" and the final chapter "Seonghyeondotong(聖賢道統)". Through "Jincha", he recalled the past of his political situation during early reign of the King and expressed his own will to participate in the government again by presenting this book that was the summary of his political views. Then through "Seonghyeondotong", he suggested his own specific political opinions to the King as the successor of Taotong(道統) in Chosun by expressing such an ethos that he succeeded directly to Chutzu(朱子). This study firstly tries to identify Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪 李滉)'s presenting Seonghaksibdo(The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, 聖學十圖) to the King and Yulgok's successive will on it. Then we will review the times till presenting Seonghakjibyo to the King, 8 years of early reign of King Seonjo when he had been neglected from the political development of the King. Finally we will specifically analyze how his political views are expressed in each beginning and final chapter of the book.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.345-377
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• 2017

Jang Hyeongwang is one of the leading scholars since the era of Toe'gye and Yulgok in Korean Confucianism. Thus, this paper will summarize his schooling, i.e., education in local school(Hyanggyo), specific activities, and the meaning of moral education. Although Toe'gye and Yulgok recognized the problems of local school and their indictment revealed in 16th century, they sought different solutions to overcome the issues. Toe'gye paid attention to establishment of local academy(Seowon) and strengthening its stature in order to renew Confucian education while Yulgok kept an eye on reformation of local school as government educational institution for revitalizing schooling, fostering the talented and establishing moral discipline. In this context, I will summarize Yeoheon's perspective on schooling in terms of the difference with Toe'gye and Yulgok's ideas. Especially, I will analyze his problematique paying attention to restoration of moral order in local communities devastated since Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and how it makes connection with local education and its implication. Furthermore, I will systematically examine the educational regulation of Indong local school(Indong Hyanggyo) he proposed and what its contents and real body he intended. In addition to these, I will suggest how much Yeohon's ideas on local education are meaningful in moral education and what kind of insightful things they would give us in current educational environments.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.39-70
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• 2014

Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung either accepted Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was or modified it. In this study, his Neo-Confucianism was divided into acceptance and modification in Yulgok Neo-Confucianism and examined. In the acceptance of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, it was clarified that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae Yoon Jeung thoroughly inherited characteristics of Yulgok Neo-Confucianism, including 'Yiguijimyo', 'Yitongguiguk' and 'Guibalyiseungildo'. However, Myungjae was not just satisfied with inheriting Yulgok Neo-Confucianism as it was, but modified and inherited the theory of Yulgok by suggesting his own original preaching. There were three original preaching of his in overall; 'emphasis on the control of Li', 'argument method on a theory of gaining knowledge by the study of things', and 'perception on moral mind, human mind and human desire'. Ultimately, it is concluded that Myungjae modified, inherited and developed Yulgok Neo-Confucianism to adjust a theory of Neo-Confucianism in a position of 'Yiguijimyo', based on 'a theory of Guibalyiseungildo' of Yulgok as a Confucian scholar of Giho school. It is consistent with his life philosophy that he avoided speculative arguments on Neo-Confucianism and pursued solid study(實工) with solid mind(實心). It is also consistent with his view of learning that he believed that theories of ancient sages were already rich that we should read them and practice their true knowledge(眞知), and making an effort on writing regardless of them was not a study of Mushil(務實). However, due to his younger students, he was classified as a scholar who emphasized the control of 'Li' the most in Yulgok school, and a new academic tie of Giho Soron was created. It is the most important significance that Neo-Confucianism of Myungjae has in that of Giho.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.9-36
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• 2016

This thesis aims to suggest probability of modern confrontation of Yulgok YiYi's thought. For this, find out the meaning of Li-Qi-Zhi-Miao(理氣之妙) and through the Qi-Fa-Li-Cheng-Yi-Tu(氣發理乘一途), and Li-Tong-Qi-Ju-Shou(理通 氣局說), Yin-Xim-Do-Xim-Shou(人心道心說), he creatively reveal the relation of Xin(心) Xing(性) Qing(情) Yi(意) continually. On one side he suggested the way of ideal man, on the other side he was showed adaptablity to the real world. So I think Yulgok had placed emphasis on the Zhongyong(中庸) and Yijing(周易), so he point out the meaning of ShiZhong (時中). Then he had high ideals practical Zhi-Zhonghe((致中和). So This paper is to find out his foundation of epistemology, and then to know It's modern meaning of methodology of moral Education's Implication on the relation of Xin(心) Xing(性) Qing(情) Yi(意). So We ca find out Ji(機) is very important the transition of Qi-Zhe(氣質).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.57-92
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• 2015

This study looked into the process by which Haseo(河西) Kim In-hoo(金麟厚:1510~1560), a neo-confucian scholar of mid Joseon Dynasty, was recognized and adored as an inheritor of traditional academic genealogy of neo-confucianism of Joseon Dynasty. I intended to examine the process of personal embodiment affected or excluded in certain manners by various materials covering the lifetime of bygone persons based on the process of such embodiment. The part related to childhood of Haseo was arranged newly to highlight solid relationship between Kim In-hoo and King Injong(仁宗). That was because Kim In-hoo raised the issue of loyalty and fidelity, one of the most important and most contentious issues at that time, in connection with reinstatement of GimyoSarim(己卯士林, progressive political faction with young officials), and King Injong was the king who reinstated Gimyo Sarim. That played a decisive role in establishing the image of Haseo, a classical scholar with unwavering integrity and loyalty. During the Late Joseon Dynasty, canonization of Haseo was made under the leadership of King Jeongjo(正祖) and Seoin(西人) in royal court. In the 17th century, Seoin scholars revised the materials related to lifetime of Kim In-hoo in various way and proofread and published the collection of literary works by Kim In-hoo. That aimed to establish scholastic system associated with Seoin and legitimacy of study as pursued by Seoin. This made progress with adoration towards scholars affiliated with Seoin, including Yulgok(栗谷) Lee Yi(李珥). Finally, King Jeongjo showed strong intention to take the lead as sovereign in the process while Haseo was canonized into national academy in the 18th century. That came from the desire to solidify his status as a teacher who took pride in taking responsibility for the dynasty's authentic study, as well as the king heading the dynasty politically.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.155-184
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• 2014

This Paper is research for Yulgok School(栗谷學派)'s lixue(禮學) in the first half of 17c centering around Uiremunhae(疑禮問解) and Uiremunhaesuk(疑禮問解續). Uiremunhae and Uiremunhaesuk are a book between Kim Jangsaeng(金長生) Kim Jip(金集) and his follower's questions & answers about li. A book or letter of questions & answers about li is useful for comprehension of lixue's opinion, especially questions & answers about controversial li shows their critical mind and a foundation of cognition for li. Thus I make showing then situation of Kim Jangsaeng and his follower in relates to understanding and performing Zhuxi's family rituals on analyzing questions & answers about controversial li. Kim Jangsaeng Kim Jip and his follower's characteristic of lixue are several on analyzing Uiremunhae. First, Kim Jangsaeng and his follower researched for Zhuxi's family rituals with systematic approach and in-depth research, and detailed in reference to the Classic of li, Zhuxi, Zheongyi(程?), Zangzai(張載)'s thoery of li and chinese lixue data, and Lee Hwang(李滉), Lee Yi(李珥), Song Yikpil(宋翼弼), Jeong Goo(鄭逑)'s thoery of li and korean lixue data. Next, on questions & answers about controversial li, Kim and his follower basically maintained following Zhuxi's family rituals. Zonfa, sacrificial rituals and funeral rituals are all such that, and if there happened omission and contradiction in Zhuxi's family rituals, they refered to Zhuxi's theory of li on the collected works of Zhuxi and the analects of Zhuxi and searched righteous li by historial invesigation. Then, Kim and his follower critically were in succession to Lee Yi and Song Yikpil's thoery of li. finally, They also had to considered then situation on li(Zhuxi's family rituals' li and ancient li)'s operation and actualizatin on considering principle and mind of li.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.129-162
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• 2013

Noju Oh Hui-sang was a Confucian who was active during the reign of King Sunjo in late Joseon Dynasty and he also was a master of the Sallim faction. Though he is known as an eclectic Neo-Confucian, he had profound knowledge in the study of Confucian classics as well through succeeding the family study handed down by his father Oh Jae-sun and his oldest brother Oh Yun-sang. This thesis hereby examines Noju's Confucianism doctrine and its characteristics. Noju's Confucianism doctrine is characterized significantly with the following aspects. First, its analyses are detailed overall and it annotates chapters and verses mostly related to Neo-Confucian theories on interpretation of the Confucian classics. Second, it conducts in-depth study not only on Chu Hsi's annotation but also on the small commentaries (小注) in Compendium of the Commentaries on Four Chinese Classics (四書集註大全). In terms of Chu Hsi's theory, however, Noju interprets Confucian classics while supplementing shortcomings on Chu Hsi's theory rather than opposing it. For opinions of all philosophers and scholars on small commentaries, it expresses rather critical theories than supporting ones. Third, it quotes many theories not only of Chinese Confucians but also of Korean ones. It mainly introduces theories of Namdang Han Won-jin, including those of Yi Yulgok. Among them, it particularly has frequent quotations from Han Won-jin's Kyoungyigimunrok (經義記聞錄). Fourth, Noju actively acknowledges senior Confucians' theories many times in quoting them but he also daringly points out their errors when a theory is thought not to be appropriate. He indicates errors one by one in theories not only of Uam and Yulgok but even of Mencius. Fifth, it especially discusses Book of Changes (周易) in depth. It tends to criticize Chengzi's I-Chuan (易傳) but accept Chu Hsi's Benyi (本義). It roughly explains Book of Changes in general but seldom directly accounts for trigrams of it other than Qian trigram and it has detailed explanation especially on Xicizhuan (繫辭傳).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.64-81
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• 2015

The Treasure No.165 of Ojukhen is a separate house(別堂) which was still remained as a gentry house in the earliest day. The formative aspects have the important meaning as the history of Korean architecture. Specially the place is famous for Shin, Saim-dang(申師任堂) gave birth to Yulgok(栗谷) Yi, I(李珥). The house was built by one's family of Gangneung Choi clan(江陵崔氏) but Son-in-law inherited the house because there was the practice of inheritance by equal distribution and the mother of Shin, Saim-dang, Yongin Lee clan(龍仁李氏) inherited Gwon, Cheo-kyun(權處均) who was her hrandson under the condition of looking after the tomb. The reason why house name was Ojukhen is that Gwon, Cheo-kyun's another name is Ojukhen. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed the change of practicing inheritance and ancestral rites. Ojukhen has the special relationship of one's grandson and did not have such of immediate family. This is because there were customs husband had to go to married woman's house and live there during short time. Yongin Lee clan and Shin, Saimdang has lived in the Ojukhen. Yongin Lee clan lived there after marrying. Shin Saimdang also spent a time of living her house after marrying and his son(Yi, I) was born in the place. Yi, I spent their time under Yongin Lee clan and one's mother's parents. Therefore he had a good relationship with his maternal grandmother. This is why his maternal grandmother became a descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. The reason why Gwon, Chen-kyun looked after the tomb of Yongin Lee clan was also Gwon, Hwa(權和) became sonin-law who lives with his wife's family. Ojukhen is the showcase of finding the marriage and living manage in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most village of Buk-Pyeong(北坪村) in the Gangneung called by Yi, I's one's mother's parents' home. Since after, the place was changed as the clan village immediate family of Andong Kwang clan(安東權氏) of Gwon, Cheokyun of Chumilgong family(樞密公派). After 17C, there were social historic changings focused on relative group. Ojukhen was the start of changing the clan village. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed inheritance, relative, marriage in the turning point of Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.50-58
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• 2011

Cheongpunggye is located in a valley where Baekaksan, the main mountain of Seoul and Inwang Mountain corresponding to right-white tiger(石白虎) divination based on topography are crossed. The owner of Cheongpunggye is Seonwon Kim Sangyong and many people had visited there without pause because of beautiful landscape since the early times of Chosun. Seonwon Kim Sangyong had ever studied together with Yulgok Yi I and Woogye Seong Hon. He was one of the Western faction(Seo-in) which was the leading power of Injo Coup and died for his chastity during Second Manchu Invasion of Chosun. He is known as a model of fidelity which is a symbol for scholar's spirit in Chosun together with his younger brother Cheongeum Kim Sangheon. Jangdong region, the clan village of New Andong family was the birthplace of Yulgok School which was the fundamental of scholar spirit of Chosun. And Jangdong would be the source of Jin-Gyeong(Real Scenery) Culture which was bloomed by Baekak club composed of Gyeomjae Jeong Seon, Sacheon Lee Byeongyeon, and Gwanajae Cho Yeongseok. The contents of this study are as follows. First, this study explored the placeness of Seochon region through the historical background like the relation between Jangdong, the clan village of Andong Kim family and Andong Kim family, and achievements of Seonwon Kim Sangyong and circumstances of that times. Second, this study tried to know original landscape of Cheongpunggye by investigating location, topography, water system etc. based on analysis of literature, old map, and paintings describing Cheongpunggye. The study was progressed in this way. To infer the original landscape, about 50 landscape elements of Cheongpunggye shown in Punggyejibseunggi(楓溪集勝記), Cheongpunggye Cheop, Cheongpunggye(淸風溪), the work of Gyeomjae Jeong Sean were searched, and then the location and form of the elements was analyzed. Furthermore, by analyzing the meanings of the names for the landscape elements, the thoughts(Naturalism, Taoism, Confucianism, Buddhism) supporting the structure of Cheongpunggye could be inferred. It is thought that these findings can contribute to exploration of placeness of Cheongpunggye. The study on original landscape of Cheongpunggye can be used as basic data when these works are executed-revival of Cheongpunggye, restoration of small streams in upper part of Cheonggyecheon, renewal of Seochon region.