• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.127-154
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• 2017

EIU has evolved diversely depending on the national environment and culture on the basis of the philosophy of individual human rights and world peace articulated in the "1974 Recommendation on EIU". However, the global environment surrounding EIU has been changed socially, economically, culturally and ecologically in the 21st century, and therefore it is necessary to raise the following questions: Is the concept of EIU initiated for international understanding and cooperation for world peace in the 20th century still valid in the 21st century? Which direction should we take in order for EIU to be efficient in the globalized world? To answer these questions, this study reviewed and analyzed the historical development and current trends of the EIU in the regions of Europe, North America, Asia Pacific area, and Africa. For the empirical study, thirty-four experts in EIU selected from the four regions were interviewed by the researchers. Based on the interviews and the related literature review, it was found that the diverse terms of EIU were used in the four regions and the focus on EIU was different depending on the geographical, historical and social environment of each region. But, despite of the diversity in terminology in EIU, human rights, peace, equity and social justice which are emphasized by UNESCO, were universally taught in EIU. The EIU in these regions is currently dealt with in school education, social education and lifelong education, and particularly global citizenship allowing multiple identities is importantly treated together with citizenship education. Another important aspect of EIU that was commonly found in these four regions was that global citizenship education for solving global problems was coexistent with the reinforcement of nationalism for the economic competency of each nation in a globalized world. The issue of global inequality was particularly dealt with in EIU, and the teaching of voluntary civic involvement and responsibility were particularly emphasized in EIU. Based on these research findings, the study proposes "glocalism", connecting global issues with local issues for solving global problems, as a new approach to the EIU of the 21st century.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.267-293
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• 2014

This paper is aimed at analyzing the characteristics of Image-Meaning theory focused on image in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty and SongMing period. Zhouyi' theory in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty was constructed on the basis of Zhouyi' theory of SongMing period. The characteristics of Image-Meaning theory in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty can be explained largely by two routes. One is the perspective of critical succession on Zhouyi'theory of focusing on meaning that led Chengyi(程?) and Yangwanli(楊萬裏). As the representative of this route, Gwongeun and Toegye not only asserted Image-meaning theory focused on meaning, but also developed a perspective of taking all the image and meaning. The other is the active succession and creative transformation about Image-Meaning theory of Tushuxue that led Chentuan(陳?) and Shaoyong(邵雍). As the representative of that route, Yulgok and Yeohun explained the schematic diagram of the universe of the universe by using methodology of Tushuxue. Furthermore, they actively succeed Shaoyong' Zhouyi theory to expand Image-Meaning theory focused on number. In addition, Cho, Haoyi(曺好益)described the propositions - "meaning is not out of image area, image equipped with meaning all, then there is no law of limitation in image adopted theory. Those propositions are opposed to Chengyi(程?) and Zhuxi(朱熹)' ZhouYi' theory.

• The Journal of the Korean Institute of Forest Recreation
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.59-69
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• 2018

This is a cross-sectional study that suggests ways to activate forest welfare services (FWS) by investigating the infrastructure, service status, and perception on FWS in Korea. In August 2016, a structured email survey was conducted in nation widely. The respondents were mostly directors and general secretary (75.0%). The considerable number (16.3%) of nursing homes (NH) use some floors of the complex buildings that would be difficult to have FWS infrastructure and about 30% of those without forests near the facilities. The directors of NH recognize that FWS has positive effects on the elderly. However, FWS is not an requisite of the longterm care insurance benefit, and so costly and effort-intensive that FWS has not been activated so far. In order to activate FWS in NHs, it is necessary to develop and disseminate the guidelines on FWS that anyone can easily followed. In addition, when the National Health Insurance Corporation evaluates NHs, they should evaluate not only whether there is a wandering or walking space, but also whether it has forest healing factors such as forests. It is also necessary to create a barrier-free environment both inside and outside of NHs, increasing accessibility to the toilet in gardens, paving a passage for wheelchairs and lifts in forests near NHs. Through these efforts, it is expected that FWS will be activated to provide physical, mental rest and comfort, appropriate cognitive stimulation to the NH residents at the end of life.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.215-254
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• 2017

In the study of divining art, Hoche(互體) plays vital roles in the composition of Goaes(卦) and interpretation of Sutras, but the reality is that the research effort for Hoche has been poor along with the perception of its utilization. This study set out to investigate connections among Bongoae(本卦), Hoche, and Hoche of Hoche(Hohoche互互體) and thus shed new light on the importance of Hoche in the composition and interpretation of Yi. 64 Goaes belong to 16 Hoches, which should belong to 4 Hoches. 4 Hoches Jungcheongeon(重天乾), Jungjigon(重地坤), Suhwagije(水火旣濟), and Hwasumije (火水未濟). That is, one can make 6 Hoikgoaes(劃卦) by extracting Hoche from the 6 Hoikgoaes comprised of Hoche of Bongoae, and they converge on 4 Goaes of Geon (乾), Gon(坤), Gije(旣濟), and Mije(未濟). The present study named Hoche of Hoche Hohoche and argued that there should be some consistent connections in the interpretation of meanings of these 4 Hohoche Goaes and their respective Hoches and Bongoaes. Focusing on the discovery of common meanings among the Hoches and Bongoaes of "Danjeon(彖傳)" and" Daesangjeon(大象傳)" of Hohoche. Book of Changes begin with Jungcheongeon and Jungjigon and end with Suhwagije and Hwasumije. The Hohoche of 64 Goaes(卦) are concluded into these 4 Goaes, which indicates that the 4 Goaes have supervision over beginning and ending and that all the Goaes between them operate within the categories of 4 Goaes. The content of "Danjeon" and "Daesangjeon" in Hohoche holds certain semantic connections in the interpretation of Hoche and Bongoae restored to Hohoche and points to the directionality of the interpretation. Those findings open a window for investigating Hoche with the core principle of Goae formation in Book of Changes and imply that Hoche holds important significance in the interpretation of the Book.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.311-340
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• 2017

This research focuses on the theory of Zhi-jue(知覺) by Kim Chang-Hyup(金昌協) through comparison between Kim Chang-Hyup's and Zhu Xi(朱熹)'s. In the point of supervision, Zhu Xi considered that Zhi-jue is one of the conditions caused by supervision, one the other hand, it is the action that make possible supervision. Kim Chang-Hyup emphasize the concept of Zhi-jue itself, he considered that Zhi-jue is the action that make possible supervision, and separate Zhi-jue from Xing(性) or Qing(情). In this process, Zhi-jue became the subject itself about supervision, so the mix about relation between Zhi-jue and supervision is solved. But there is a problem about gap between Zhi-jue and the nature from separate between Zhi-jue and Xing. Kim Chang-Hyup intend to separate Zhi-jue and Qing as subject and object, so he considered that Xing is not a reason of Zhi-jue, but rules. It's not a answer about what is the reason of Zhi-jue. Yet Zhu Xi also considered that Xing is the rules of Zhu-jue, only in the case that Zhi-jue means the resulf of supervision, Zhi-jue is considered as the effect of Zhi(智). So the relation problem about Zhi-jue as a subject and the nature is brought up by Joseon scholar who attempted to arrange the concepts of neo-confucianism. Eventually, in case of the relation about Zhi-jue and Xing, King Chang-Hyup and Zhu Xi has a common point, only in case of the relation about Zhi-jue and supervision, Definding Zhi-jue as the subject of supervision is the character of Kim Chang-Hyup's theory of Zhi-jue.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.9-44
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• 2017

Seonsaengan(先生案) is the predecessor's lists. The list includes the names of the predecessor, the date of the appointment, the date of return, the previous job, and the next job. Therefore, previous studies on the local recruitment and Jungin (中人) that can not be found in general personnel information of the Joseon dynasty were conducted. However, the status and classification of the list has not been achieved yet. So this study aims to clarify the status, classification and data characteristics of the list. 176 books, are the Joseon dynasty lists of predecessors, remain to this day. These lists are in Jangseogak(47 cases), Kyujanggak(80 cases), the National Library of Korea(24 cases) and other collections(25 cases). Jangseogak has lists of royal government officials, Kyujanggak has lists of central government officials, and the National Library of Korea and other collections have lists of local government officials. However, this paper focuses on accessible Jangseogak list of 47 cases. As I mentioned earlier, the Jangsaegak lists are generally related to the royal government officails. This classification includes 18 central government officials, 5 local government officials, and 24 royal government officails. If the list is classified as contents, it can be classified into six rituals and diplomatic officials, 12 royal government officials, 5 local government officials, 14 royal tombs officials, and 10 royal education officials. Through the information on the list, the following six characteristics can be summarized. First, it can be finded the basic personal information about the recorded person. Second, the period of office and reasons for leaving the office and office can be known. Third, changes in the office system can be confirmed. Fourth, it can be looked at one aspect of the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty through the previous workplace and the next job. Fifth, it is possible to know days that are particularly important for each government. Sixth, the contents of work evaluation can be confirmed. This is the reality of the Joseon Dynasty, which is different from the contents recorded in the Code. Through this, it is possible to look at the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty. However, in order to carry out a precise review, it is necessary to make a database for 176 lists. In addition, if data is analyzed in connection with existing genealogy data, it will be possible to establish a basis for understanding the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.93-126
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• 2009

This study is about a event, which happened on January of 1603 in Hamheung. It has covered from the beginning through the conclusion of the event. The event was ignited by a naturalized citizen, Guilsang's coming to the capital city without permission from the government. With this study I've wished to find the situations of specific management of naturalized citizens as well as popular attitudes towards them at the time. Concerning with the event of Guilsang, I could find more detailed situations from "Naturalization Registration". The reason why Guilsang came to Seoul was that he wanted to ask for living together with his son-in-law's family in Yang-Ju. Before his coming, Bie-Byun-Sa had sent a official letter to the governor of Hamkyung-Do so that he had had to move somewhere between Anbyun and Yung-heung. But Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family in Seoul. The place he visited first was Sa-Yuk-Won. He presented his petition through Yeozin language translator there. Sa-Yuk-Won then informed Ye-Jo to have him investigated. After its investigation, Ye-Jo reported to the king. There were arguments about Guilsang family in the government. Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family, including his relatives and son-in-law. Guilsang's request had more pros than cons in terms of humanism. But letting him live in Seoul was a difficult decision for the government. but his family strenuously insisted on living in Seoul, trying to kill itself. Finally Government selected Yong-In which was a compromise between the naturalized citizens' wish and difficult position of Government. Yong-In Miejo-Hyun was a poor region where naturalized citizens had lived before but now empty after the wars. In the process of the event of Guilsang, Government differentiated naturalized citizens from general citizens and regarded them foreign. A man from Yeozin was naturalized due to economic reason. But, he couldn't accept to live somewhere except Seoul, separating from his family. Government concerned with dangers of naturalized citizen becoming into foreign agents and stabilization of borders. These concerns caused the policy of residential control and decentralization of naturalized citizens failed.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.297-325
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• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.43-78
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• 2011

The two schools which eventually came to form the "Northerners party" in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam'myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam'myeong's philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang'hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam's philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam'myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party's stance and attitude, and also of the school's philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the 'Majority Northerners(大北) party,' and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the 'Minority Northerners(小北) party.'Since the time of King Injo's ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe'gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners' philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the "Shilhak" scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners' political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.63-96
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• 2013

$L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) was one of the famous philosophers during the Southern Song period, and is called one of DongNamSanXian(東南三賢) together with ZhuXi(朱熹) and ZhangShi(張?). With his profound knowledge transmitted and uphold by JiaXue(家學), $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) established his learning system, interacting with scholars of those days. Principally, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s XinLun(心論) was based on Mengzi(孟子)' theory of LiangXin(良心) and BenXin(本心). $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) explained the meaning of such a conscience through ChuXin(初心) and Inner NeiXin(內心). According to $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙), ChuXin(初心) arouses when one encounters external things, and this one's intention enables us to make the right judgments over the outside objects. NeiXin(內心) means LiangXin(良心) and BenXin(本心) that recovered the ability of moral awareness. The important significances of $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s XinLun(心論) are XinWai WuDao(心外無道), and XinWaiWuTian(心外無天). Through these, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) emphasized that Tian(天), Dao(道), and Li(理) are one. $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) arranged a meeting of EHuSi(鵝湖寺), and exerted efforts to negotiate the academic differences between ZhuXi(朱熹) and LuJiuyuan(陸九淵). However, compared with LuJiuyuan(陸九淵) who asserted FaMingBenXin(發明本心), $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) put the emphasis on DaoWenXue(道問學) with self-awareness of conscience. Meanwhile, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) valued much of Jing(敬) like ZhuXi(朱熹). But, to $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙), Jing(敬) meant WuJianDuan(無間斷) of ChunYiBuZa(純一不雜) DaoDeXin(道德心), and implied the same as Cheng(誠). $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) stressed the reading and pursuit of study, however, he also asserted that Li(理) could be understood and realized through self-awareness of one's mind and its reflection, and working without interruption. $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s academic tradition of the XinXueDe XueFeng(心學的 學風), which reveals through compromise and confrontation with ZhuXi(朱熹), can be said that it will have a significant meaning of idealism of dispute in the Southern Song period.