• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.70
• /
• pp.435-466
• /
• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.73
• /
• pp.65-89
• /
• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
• /
• v.13 no.4
• /
• pp.1-16
• /
• 2009

purpose of this study was to compare the direction of work-family balance policy with the family support of Chosun Dynasty by reviewing the literature of the period, including diaries of "Soemilok" and "Miamilki" and letters written by Yangban. The major findings drawn from the literature were as follows: The husbands in Chosen, especially as public officials, were under strong obligation to support their family like working wives in modern society. They were able to care for and support their families and maintain their careers due to flexibility in their office hours. They had dual burdens of home management and outside labor but their requests for the necessities of life were resolved promptly in public offices. From this result, it was argued that the policy for dual burden for women would benefit from a consideration for flexibility and reduction of working hours. Especially it was emphasized that the border between home and work place should be more open and the relationship of family should be supported by work-family balance policy.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.211-253
• /
• 2016

Depending on the class and status, literary works are variously accepted and interpreted. As a result, they show different forms and ways of enjoying the novels and different variations of a text. The only ideal way of investigating and analyzting it is to meet someone who actually lived in that era. This study tries to investigate the enjoying aspects of the classic Korean classical novels by studying how the classical novels have been enjoyed in Northern Gyeong-Buk Area, especially in Cheongsong. It is a follow-up study of cases studies based in Yeongdeok, Uljin. As a result, one can come true the conclusions. In the case of Cheongsong, the Northern Area and Southern Areas show differences in their modes enjoying the Korean classical novels. The Northern Area has a strong expresses self-confidence and pride, and forms solid enjoying groups. However I could hardly find any such cases in the Southern Area. And the entertaining aspects of the classical novels are enjoyed by individuals rather than entertainers. It shows that there have been many difficulties in the culture of in taking-root classical novels as a firm ludic culture in Cheongsong. Furthermore, this survey can identify a duality of entertainers genres conception to enjoying Ga-sa and classic the Korean classical novels. The entertainers who haves read only the classical novels has not hidden ashamed of themselves as readers and entertainersof them. But the entertainers who are proud of the self as enjoyers of Ga-sa tried to dissimulate hide the fact that they read of the classical novels, because they think that a narrativity and fictitiousness, incredibility of the novels are disproportionate inappropriate to their for dignity as members of Yangban(兩班) families, and are in stark contrast to the morality and seriousness of Ga-sa.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
• /
• no.44
• /
• pp.145-176
• /
• 2014

This study analyzed official duties and personnel practices of Hyangcheong(鄕廳), administrative organization in which sajok(士族) participate this office, and Jakcheong(作廳), hyangree(鄕吏)'s office, of Anbyeon of Hamgyeong Province in the 19th century. Although there have beeen somewhat of case study of Gyeongsang, Honam, etc., study on Hamgyeong Province has been almost nonexistent because of the limitation of materials. Hence, this paper specifically examined Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's official duties and personnel practices through an article of 'a list of Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's officials' of Anbyeon, newly found, which is in the possession of this writer. Especially, this study virtually traced individual ststus and family by analyzing Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's 40-official duties and a list of 330-ofiicial duties for sixs years. And then by comparing it against Jokbo(族譜), I have grasped 19-Famlily of them. Executives of Hyangcheong could be grasped as they were status of Yangban(兩班), but members of Jakcheong were hardly identified because they were status of hyangree, thus most of them were not enscrolled in Jokbo. Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's official duties could be found by compare it with other area in Ehubgi(邑誌) Hamgyeong Province. the features of officiak duties are as in the following. On general administrative organization, Sajok's Hayngcheong, Jakcheong as general administrative organization and Jangcheong(將廳) as police work existed. As Pyeongando and Hamgyeongdo were border areas, Jangcheong was independent and led other institutions. However, in Anbyeon, Hojang(戶長) of Hayngcheong and Jakcheong divided dudies and commanded. Hojang'role was higher than any other areas, Because Hojang is in charge of Jangcheong's functions. Jakcheong was centrally operated by Hojang, Eebang(吏房), and Hyeongbang(刑房), so-called 'Samgonghyeong(三公兄)', Whereas Anbyeon was operated by Hojang, Eebang, Chunchong(千摠). In the general areas, While Juasu(座首) Byeolgam(別監), Executive of Hyangcheong, manages each warehouse(倉) where the nation's tax revenues are kept, In Anbyeon besides Joasu, Hyangso(鄕所). The principle of Hyangcheong and Jakcheong's personnel practices was one-period, but there were many consecutive terms, every other year terms, or tranference into other area. Police work was assumed by specific persons because it was relatively specialized job, However in case of Ghamsaek(監色) of each warehouse(倉), Hyangso(鄕所) of Hyangcheong or Hojang of Jakcheong had held plural offices, and was solely responsible it. On the overall features of its operation, Hyangcheong held plural offices, but rotation was made only within Hyangcheong. On the other hand, in the case of Jakcheong, Hojang, Eebang, and even Buriebang circulated their positions, but the other Hyangree rotated each Saek(色) and Guamguan of each warehouse(倉). This writer confirmed that unlike Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong, Hyangcheoung or duties of Hyangree were not handed from generation to generation by several families and, many families shared their work by circulating positions.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.3
• /
• pp.90-118
• /
• 2021

Gaeseong fostered the conditions necessary for modern capitalism, as huge capital was accumulated through the cultivation and trade of ginseng, which were activities that flourished in the 18th century. During the Japanese colonial era, ginseng merchants were not simply limited to acquiring landowner capital from ginseng trade but actively converted such resource to productive and financial capital, thereby becoming modern entrepreneurs. Ginseng merchants led the joint management and investment of Gaeseong Electric Co., Ltd., Daehan Cheonil Bank, Gaeseong Brewing Co., Ltd., and Songgo Textile Company, founded in the early 20th century. They pursued corporate profits and, as leading individuals of society, spearheaded regional development by supporting educational and cultural projects in Gaeseong. These projects included the establishment of the Gaeseong Commercial School, the publication of Goryeo Times, and the operation of the Gaeseong Jwa Theater. Although liberal economics prioritized shareholder interest, the 21st century witnessed an emphasis on social responsibility among stakeholders asthe major purpose of enterprises. A trend that emerged was ESG (environment, social, governance) management, in which non-financial factors are valued more highly than financial performance. A successful business, which was denoted only by high profits in the past, is now defined by whether a company fulfills its social responsibility. In the early 20th century, the corporate activities of ginseng merchants in Gaeseong reflected entrepreneurship and stakeholder-centered ESG management, which later emerged as essential elements of modern business management. The modern management philosophy ahead of its times stemmed from the regionality of Gaeseong. The political discrimination against Gaeseong residents in the Joseon Dynasty precluded them from becoming government officers, and under a strict social hierarchy, yangban ("noblemen"), the intellectuals of the Joseon Dynasty, were forced to serve as merchants. Son Bong-sang and Kong Seong-hak, aside from being representative ginseng merchants, were both Confucian scholars and writers. The second and third generations of ginseng merchant families who had received higher education abroad returned to Gaeseong to carry on with their family businesses, then established modern companies with capital accrued from the ginseng industry. An analysis of the commercial activities of ginseng merchants in the early 20th century confirmed that these individuals were pioneering entrepreneurs who adopted the ESG management philosophy. In ginseng merchants, one sees a dimension of capitalism with a human face, as with ginseng thatsaves human life.