• 제목/요약/키워드: Word accent

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Native Influence on the Production of English Intonation

  • Kim, Ok-Young
    • 음성과학
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    • 제15권1호
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    • pp.25-36
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    • 2008
  • Language transfer means that the speaker's first language or previously acquired language influences on the production of the target language. This study aims at examining if there is native language influence on the production of English intonation by Korean speakers. The pitch accent patterns and the values of duration, F0, and intensity of the stressed vowel of the word with emphatic accent in the sentence produced by Korean speakers are compared to those of American English speakers. The results show that when the word receives emphatic accent in the sentence, American English speakers put H* accent on the stressed syllable of the word, but Korean speakers mostly assign high pitch on the last syllable of the word and have LH tonal pattern despite the fact that primary stress does not come on the last syllable within a word. In addition, comparison of the values of duration, F0, and intensity of the stressed vowel of the word with emphatic accent to those of the word with unmarked neutral accent shows that Korean speakers do not realize the intonation of the accented word appropriately because the values decrease even though the word has emphatic accent. This study finds out that there are differences in the production of English intonation of the word with emphatic accent between native speakers of English and Korean speakers, and that there is negative transfer of Korean intonation pattern to the production of English intonation by Korean speakers.

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제주 방언의 낱말 악센트 (Word Accent of Cheju Dialects in Korean)

  • 박순복
    • 대한음성학회지:말소리
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    • 제55권
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    • pp.33-43
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    • 2005
  • This paper investigates the word accent pattern of Cheju dialects in Korean and determines whether it varies according to the age as well as the word itself and where the speakers come from. On the basis on the theory of pitch accent, which was suggested by Koo(1993) and Jung(1965) for the Korean standard accent, the fundamental frequency of each syllable is measured. The syllable that has the highest frequency is labelled for 2, while the rests for 1. The results of the experiment are that the two syllabic words have 21 accent pattern, while the three syllabic words 121 pattern and the four syllabic words 1211. In addition to this characteristic of accent pattern in Cheju dialects, it is interesting that the older the speakers, the less accent pattern the utterance has as suggested above.

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표준한국어 악센트의 실험음성학적 연구 -청취 테스트 및 음향분석- (The Experimental Phonetic Study of Word Accent in Standard Korean)

  • 성철재
    • 대한음성학회지:말소리
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    • 제21_24호
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    • pp.43-89
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    • 1992
  • In this thesis, the prominent aspect of word accent in standard Korean is studied by auditory test and acoustic analysis experiment. The definition of 'accent' is, following Hoyoung Lee's discussion(1990), to be described as 'the means whereby a focused part of an utterance is made to stand out in order to concentrate the hearer's attention on it.' That is to say, the ten of 'accent' may be described in terms of phonological phenomenon and the accented syllable can be phonetically prominent as the result of those phonological process. Prosodic features may have different characteristics in different languages whether they contain linguistically important functions or not. Thus the characteristics of word accent in standard Korean will be determined as the content and trait of prosodic features. Following this viewpoint, present study looked over prosodic features which may effect the characteristics of word accent in standard Korean, through systematic experimental procedure. And the result of this experiment has been verified by statistical method, the T-test, for the purpose of identifying the relatedness among prosodic features(parameters). This thesis, therefore, aimed to investigate the intrinsic acoustic and physical qualities of the word accent in standard Korean. Nonsense words composed by 'mal' and 'ma' which can be divided into 'heavy syllable' and 'light syllable' quoted from Hyman(1975) have been classified into 28 types with respect to syllable numbers(2 syl., 3 sy1., 4 syl.) and these words have become the target of auditory test and acoustic experiment. As the result of those experimental Procedures, the word accent in standard Korean may be said that it has a tendency of fixing first two syllables regardless of syllable numbers. The syllable types of HH, HL, LL in the first two syllables may be prominent at first syllable and the type of H may be at second syllable. Various prosodic features(parameters) including duration, intensity, and Fo(purely phonetic terms) were also strengthened in those positions. The result of this experiment can be cleared up like these : 1. The most important feature is proved as 'duration', the feature of intensity resulted in more subsidiary one than the feature of duration. 2. Fo( fundamental frequency) could be observed as having some coherent contour through almost all syllable types(99 %), that is, in 2 syllable types, it had rising contour, in 2 syllable types, rising-falling contour, and in 4 syllable types, it contained rising-falling-rising contour. The result of auditory test was different with those contour forms of all Fo surveyed. With respect to these results, the discuss for Fo is determined' to be excluded comparing other features. 3. Finally, this thesis resulted in a decision that the word accent in standard Korean may has fixed(somewhat weaker) accent, especially fixed at first two syllables in almost all words. 4. Various kinds of syllable types related with 2,3,4 syllables, therefore, can be reclassified into 4 types of HH, HL, LH, LL following the concept of accent fixing placement(i.e. first two syllables). In these 4 types, the types of HH, HL, LL were prominent at the position of the first syllable , and the type of LH was prominent at the second syllable otherwise.

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Phrase positional effects on F0 peak timing in Tokyo Japanese

  • 조혜선
    • 말소리와 음성과학
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    • 제3권3호
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    • pp.69-75
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    • 2011
  • This paper investigates phrase positional effects on the timing of F0 (pitch) peaks in Tokyo Japanese disyllabic words with varying accent type (HL or LH) and phrase position (final or non final). The F0 peak timing was normalized by the total word duration ('normalized H timing'). The normalized H timing was significantly affected by accent type and phrase position. The H timing was later in the LH accent type than in the HL accent type, and in non final positions than in final positions. In addition, to examine the validity of the quantitative results, different models of phrase position effects were compared by measuring H timing in two approaches: normalization versus relative distance measures. For the normalization measures, the H timing was measured as the time of the F0 peak divided by the total word duration or by the duration of the tone bearing syllable. For the relative distance measures, the H timing was measured as the distance in milliseconds from the end of the word or from the end of the associated syllable. The best model was the normalization by the total word duration, rather than by the duration of the tone bearing syllable. This means that phrase positional effects on the timing of F0 peaks in Japanese disyllabic words are best modeled in terms of proportion of the total word duration.

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영어 가부 의문문 초점 발화와 지각 (The Production and Perception of Focus in English Yes- No Questions)

  • 전윤실;오세풍;김기호
    • 음성과학
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    • 제11권3호
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    • pp.111-128
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    • 2004
  • In English, a focused word with new information receives a pitch accent. This paper examines how English native speakers and Korean speakers produce and perceive focus in English yes-no questions. The production experiments show that native speakers realize an appropriate intonation of yes-no questions, in which a focused word has a low pitch accent followed by a high phrasal accent and a high boundary tone. However, Korean speakers usually give a high tone to a focused word. In a like manner, the perception experiments show that English native speakers judge a word with a low tone to be focused, while Korean speakers have difficulty in comprehending a focused word realized as a low tone. And it is found that Korean speakers tend to perceive low tones on sentence initial and final focused words better than those on sentence medial focused words, and they often perceive a word with a relatively high fundamental frequency or a sharp rise of fundamental frequency as a focused word. This paper shows that Korean speakers have trouble to produce and perceive an appropriate tonal pattern of a focused yes-no question, and that can cause confusion in a conversation with native speakers.

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일본어 초점 억양 실현의 음운음성적 특징 연구 (The Phonological and Phonetic Characteristics of Intonational Focus Realization in Japanese)

  • 김기호;공은정;이혜숙;우츠기 아키라
    • 음성과학
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    • 제9권2호
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    • pp.69-87
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    • 2002
  • This paper investigates how focus contributes to the phonological and phonetic realization of Japanese intonation. Pierrehumbert & Beckman (1988) pointed out that textual prominence results in the H-tone peak raising on the focused item and IP (Intonational Phrase) initiation before the focused item. Similarly Kori (1989) suggested that the F0 peaks on the words after the focused item tend to be suppressed. Although they give a general description of the characteristics of focus phenomena in Japanese intonation, they fail to explain the F0 peak interaction between H phrasal tone and lexically specified pitch accent in more-than-3-mora words whose accent locations varies from early to late. In this paper, we perform the experiment to investigate the following three points. First, we would like to look at the systematic intonational differences between focused and neutral APs; specifically, focused APs, either accented or unaccented, are compared with the neutral counterparts in terms of F0 pattern. Second, we investigate F0 patterns of a focused AP with more than 3 morae, as the accent of the word varies from early to late. Since an AP with a late accent has a H- on the second mora as well as H*+L on its accent mora, it is expected that these peaks will show systematic F0 pattern when it is focused. Our third concern is F0 patterns of a post focus AP with more than 3 morae, that is, whether a post-focus word is dephrased or just downstepped as the word accent location varies from early to late. This paper is significant in that it tries to clarify the F0 peak interaction between H-and lexical pitch accent H*+L in a variety of focus contexts in Japanese intonation.

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영어 자동사 문장에서의 초점 실현 양상에 관한 연구: 영어원어민화자와 한국인화자 비교 (A Study on the Focus Realization in Intransitive Verb Sentences)

  • 김화영;이현정;김기호
    • 음성과학
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    • 제9권3호
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    • pp.251-266
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    • 2002
  • This paper aims to compare and analyse the pattern of the pitch accent realization between the English native speakers and the .Korean speakers, using the sentences by the scope of focus including intransitive verbs; unaccusative, unergative, and passive, based on the previous studies. The results show that the English native speakers produce the intonational patterns similar to the previous study (Hoskins, 1996), which showed that English native speakers deaccented after the focused word for unaccusative and passive verbs in broad focus. Korean speakers, however, have a tendency not to deaccent after the focused word for both verbs. In the narrow subject focus condition, Koreans do not deaccent the verbs after the focused subject. In the narrow verb focus condition, they produce the pitch accent on verbs as the English native speakers do, but they tend to produce the pitch accent on subjects that should not be given any pitch accent. Therefore, unlike the English native speakers, the Korean speakers have a tendency not only that they do not produce three types of intransitive verbs with proper intonation, but also that they do not realize the focus structure itself properly.

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초점과 정보 구조에 따른 한국어 화자의 영어 억양 실현 양상 (Korean Speakers' Realization of Focus and Information Structure on English Intonation in Comparison with English Native Speakers)

  • 엄혜영;이혜숙;김기호
    • 음성과학
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    • 제8권2호
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    • pp.133-148
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    • 2001
  • Focus and information structure are closely related with the distribution of pitch accents. A focused word conveys new information and bears a pitch accent. A content word can usually get a pitch accent, but it can be deaccented if it is mentioned earlier in the discourse. In this paper, we test how English native speakers and Korean learners of English realize pitch accents according to focus and information structure of a sentence. The production experiment shows that English native speakers give a pitch accent to narrow-focused items, deaccenting all the other items of the sentence. For VP broad focus, native speakers give a pitch accent either to both the verb and its complement or to the complement only. On the other hand, it is found that Koreans give pitch accents to most content words regardless of focus and information structure. Moreover, the perception experiment confirms that Koreans' intonation patterns, which are not appropriate in terms of focus and information structure, may jeopardize listeners' comprehension. This paper shows that Korean speakers have little knowledge about focus and information structure for intonational realization, and that such notions should be applied to teaching of English intonation.

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일본어의 초점 실현과 인토네이션의 구조 (Realizations of Discourse Focus and Structure of Intonation in Japanese)

  • 최영숙
    • 음성과학
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    • 제9권4호
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    • pp.187-200
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    • 2002
  • The purpose of the present study is to see in terms of $F_{0}$ variation in Japanese how discourse focus and the lexical word accent interact with each other in realizing overall intonation patterns. Discourse focus causes prosodic restructuring of phrase structures and, as a result, largely affects pitch contours, whereas the lexical word accent is said to delimit the $F_{0}$ into a certain range. Measurement of $F_{0}$ was made of utterances of Japanese sentences to observe behavior of pitch contours with varied focus assignment and lexical accent specifications. The utterances were obtained in question-answer discourse contexts so that in a sentence, either one NP was always focused or no focus was assigned. I set four points for $F_{0}$ measurement; $F_{1s},F_{1m}, F_{2s}$, and $F_{2m}$, two for each noun phrase corresponding to $F_{0}$ at the beginning of the first syllable and that of the vocalic portion of the second syllable in the two NP's. The results of present study were as follows: (1) for all combination of lexical accent types, the $F_{0}$ rise both in NP1 and NP2 are higher when focused than when not focused. (2) NP2 starts a new accentual phrase when focused, showing even higher $F_{0}$ than NP1, the latter of which implies that in forming a new accentual phrase by focusing, catathesis does not seem to take effect on NP2 preceded by accented NP1. (3) unfocused NP2 preceded by unaccented NP1 has higher $F_{0}$ than those preceded by accented NP1.

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영어 생략구문의 음성적 특성과 피치악센트 실현 양상-동사구 생략, 슬루싱, 공소화를 중심으로- (Acoustic Characteristics and Pitch Accent Realization in English Elliptical Sentences - VP-ellipsis, sluicing, gapping -)

  • 김희성
    • 음성과학
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    • 제11권2호
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    • pp.119-136
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    • 2004
  • Ellipsis is the figure of speech characterized by the deliberate omission of words that are obviously understood, but that must be supplied to make a construction grammatically or semantically complete. The purpose of this study is to examine how ellipsis affects its adjacent elements acoustically and phonologically in English VP-ellipsis, sluicing and gapping. In the experiment, the realizations by English native speakers are set as the criteria for the observing point and are compared to Korean speakers' realizations. For the results, while English native speakers utilized various acoustic information such as word duration and pitch range and phonological information such as pith accent realization in order to intend the cues for decoding the missing constituent, Korean English learners relied on only duration information and could not use various information effectively.

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