• 의정연구
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.41-77
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• 2021

여성의 정치적 대표성 확대를 위한 할당제가 법제화된 지 20년이 지난 지금까지도 한국의 여성의원 비율은 20%를 넘지 못하고 있다. 이 연구는 여성대표성 확대를 위한 법제도의 세 축이라고 할 수 있는 할당제, 여성추천보조금, 여성정치발전비가 지난 20년 동안 제도적으로 어떻게 변화해왔으며, 여성대표성에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지, 어떤 제도적 한계를 갖고 있는지를 검토한다. 이와 함께 여성대표성 확대를 위한 개혁의 불/가능한 조건들을 탐구한다. 여성대표성 확대를 위한 법제도가 개혁되기 위해서는 한국의 정치제도가 남성지배의 구조 속에서 성별화된 방식으로 배열되어 있다는 것을 이해하는 동시에 성평등 정치를 위한 개혁을 추동하는 결정적 행위자와 집단의 존재가 필수적이라는 것을 이해하는 것이 필요하다.

• The International Journal of Costume Culture
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.12-22
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• 2010

As an influential political leader, Queen Elizabeth II holds the link between past queens and today's women political leaders and her dress represents so much in accordance to her role. It is important to analyze the dress and role enactment of Queen Elizabeth II in order to provide a guide to the future women political leaders all over the world. The Queen's dress helps her show tradition which has developed over one thousand years of history. She represents Britain to the world focusing on national identity and unity. The Queen always distinct herself from the rest of the world to show the pride of British Monarch, but when she is visiting other counties for diplomatic relationships she would surely show a friendly gesture on her dress to assimilate herself with that country. Also, same as all other women, the Queen seeks practicality in her dress. Therefore, I was able to classify the Queen's dress into jive groups as a way of role enactment. They are tradition, representation, distinction, assimilation, and practicality.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.87-121
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• 2021

かつてフェミニズムや男女平等を批判していた安倍晋三首相率いる第二次安倍政権は,2012年以降,女性の社会進出を後押しする政策を積極的に促進し,2015年には女性の職業生活における活躍の推進に関する法律（女性活躍推進法)を成立させている。女性活躍推進法は,女性政策ではなく,女性を利用しようとする経済政策であるとの批判が多いが,一方では女性のための政策としての側面もあるとの指摘もあり,保守政権による女性政策の興味深いケースとなっている。本稿は,女性活躍推進法の審議過程における女性の実質的代表の内実を明らかにすることを目的とする。具体的には,安倍政権による女性政策,また,女性の実質的代表に関する先行研究の知見から導き出した二つのリサーチクエスチョンへの答えを,法案審議での議員発言をデータとして提示することが本稿の課題である。第一に,女性活躍推進法が女性活用の経済政策であるという評価から,審議過程においても,女性の利益や権利を代表する発言よりも,女性を経済成長や少子高齢化社会における資源として活用しようとする発言が多いのかどうかを探る。第二に,女性を実質的に代表する発言があるとすれば,どのような発言内容が見られるのかを明らかにする。特に,保守政党である自由民主党が多数を占めている国会での審議においては,女性の家庭内ケア提供役割を所与とした女性のための発言が大勢を占めているのかに注目する。これらのリサーチクエスチョンに答えることで,女性活躍推進法を巡る女性の実質的代表の有り様,また保守主義と女性の実質的代表の関係を明らかし,女性の実質的代表の研究に貢献することを目指す。分析の結果,女性を活用しようとする発言は,女性を代表する発言,また女性活用の姿勢を批判する発言と比べて数が少なかったこと,議員発言によって多種多様な女性が代表されていることが明らかになった。また,保守系議員による,女性の家庭内ケア提供役割を所与とした保守的な女性の代表発言がある一方で,主に野党議員による,保守的ではない女性の代表発言も多くあったことも示された。これらの分析結果は,保守政権が支配する議会であっても,非保守的な女性の実質的代表が,少なくとも審議過程においては可能であることを示唆している。

• 영미문화
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.99-125
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• 2010

This paper explores the political significance of a literary work, the hidden side beneath the ideology of founding America in Lydia Maria Child's Hobomok which reconstructs the history of the colonial period. The ideological strategy of founding America on racial discrimination is given a repeated representation in 19th-century American novels. Most works shed a negative light on Native Americans, whereas Hobomok stands out by presenting a positive picture of a miscegenation between a Native American man and a white woman, the acculturation of a half Indian into the white society. Furthermore, Child undoes distorted stereotypes about native Americans, exposing the Puritans' intolerant and exclusive attitudes and criticizing men who forced women to be obedient for the cause of nation and religion. However, Child also shows that she could not be free from the ideology of founding America which insisted on the superiority of the white's racial identity and excluded the Native Americans as beings who were destined to vanish gradually but eventually. Although Hobomok revises stereotypical representation of Native Americans as the other, it also serves for a political purpose, showing a politically inseparable relationship between literary works and the ideology of founding America.

• 패션비즈니스
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• 제17권5호
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• pp.1-13
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to examine the power images in the style of a leader: through the focus on the portrait of Henry VIII. Study methods on the literature concerning viewpoints of power and image in the early modern age and the subjects of power are being used for theoretical backgrounds; and the visual data from National Portrait Gallery, British Library and the internet are used for exploratory studies. The results of this study are as follows. First, from the style of Henry VIII who represented the image of political power, the modern political phenomenon can be defined. Such phenomenon which displays images of political leaders from the study indicate an effective strategy. Second, the religious, a diplomatic representation for the style of Henry VIII powers, such as costume style and somatic visual images, represents the dignity and power by delivering visible internal attributes. Thus, the role model recognized by the society and the public's perception of leadership style affects the acknowledgement and belief by the people.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제15호
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• pp.111-135
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• 2013

This study explores gender images represented in the works of women artists from the Middle East, where male chauvinism is recognized to be more predominant than elsewhere. The artists included in this study such as Mona Hatoum, Shirin Neshat, Lida Abdul and Sigalit Landau are Post-Feminist generation of artists who were born in the Middle East but spent significant amount of time in the West. In addition, they were trained as artists under the influences of the Western Feminist Art. This particular group of female artists pays much attention to the ontological question of their identities rather than male/female inequality, and each artist represents men and women in the ways that can hardly be found in the works by women artists in the West. These artists not only connect gender identities to the socio-political geography of the Middle East but also deconstruct Western stereotypes of men and women from Arab world. The paper focuses on the way these women artists incorporate male/female vs. culture/nature dichotomies into their works to subvert the premises on which Western Feminism has been based and not only to cast light on women's freedom and their ontological conflicts but also to emphasize social suppression inflicted upon men. In such process, these artists resist stereotypical images of Middle Eastern men and women widely circulated in the mainstream media of the West.

• 대중서사연구
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.175-209
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• 2020

본 논문은 일본군 '위안부'의 영화적 재현이 어떻게 일상의 영역에서, 그리고 대중의 기억 속에서 '상상력'을 촉발하고 공통의 감각과 정동을 불러일으키는가 살펴보자 한다. 일본군 '위안부' 역사는 오랫동안 망각되었다가 1990년대에 들어서야 공공 기억의 장으로 들어설 수 있었다. 이러한 전환에는 피해자들의 증언과 일본군 '위안부' 문제의 담론화를 가능하게 만든 국내외적 크로노폴리틱스(chronopolitics)가 존재한다. 이는 '시간의 정치학'으로서 일본군 '위안부' 역사의 독특한 위상을 보여주는데, 일본군 '위안부' 문제의 영화적 재현은 역사적 크로노폴리틱스와 연속적이면서도 단절적인 이중성을 보여주며 새로운 시각적 크로노폴리틱스를 드러낸다. 한국영화사의 맥락에서 일본군 '위안부' 재현의 크로노토프는 크게 4가지 국면으로 나누어 생각해 볼 수 있다. 첫째, 1990년대 이전 일본군 '위안부'의 극적 재현들, 둘째, 증언과 역사쓰기로서 1990년대 후반 다큐멘터리, 셋째, 2000년대 들어 멜로드라마적 감수성을 이끌어낸 극영화들, 넷째, 애니메이션 및 기타 장르를 포함하는 매체의 확산이다. 이들 중에서 '위안부' 문제를 대중적 극영화(fiction film)의 범주에서 표상하고 있는 첫 번째 국면과 세 번째 국면에 집중해 논의를 전개하는 것이 이 글의 목적이다. 1990년 이전의 '위안부' 극영화들이 철저히 상업영화와 대중장르의 틀을 고수하며 일본군 '위안부' 역사의 성애화를 추구했다면, 2000년대 이후의 영화들은 대중영화의 양식 속에서 다양한 시도들을 실험해보고 있다. 특히, <귀향>, <아이 캔 스피크>, <허스토리> 등과 같은 2000년대 '위안부' 극영화들의 등장은 우리가 그간 생존자들의 증언과 일본군 '위안부' 운동 등을 통해서 '많이' 알고 있다고 생각했던 이 이슈에 대하여 과연 우리가 '제대로' 알고 있는지, 이에 대한 '문화적 재현은 어떻게 가능한지' 등의 여러 문제를 제기해주고 있다. 일본군 '위안부'를 다룬 2000년대 영화적 재현의 전략들에 주목하면서, 이 글은 멜로드라마의 대중 정치학, 피해자성과 폭력의 재현, 메타기억으로서의 일본군 '위안부' 극영화 등을 논의하고자 한다. 역사적 트라우마에 대한 멜로드라마적 상상이자 메타기억으로서, '위안부' 극영화들은 일본군 '위안부' 문제가 통과해야 할 역사적, 정치적, 미학적 관문들을 보여준다. 보다 구체적으로 말하면, 최근의 극영화들에서 일본군 '위안부' 문제가 한-일 양국 간의 관계를 넘어서, 오래된 식민 구조를 해체하고자 하는 탈식민주의적 과제이자 여성운동과 인권운동이 국제적으로 연대하는 트랜스내셔널한 프로젝트로 거듭나는 방식에 이 글은 주목한다.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제68권3호
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• pp.51-71
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• 2016

이 연구의 목적은 한국을 포함한 OECD 주요국을 대상으로 사회구조적 요인, 복지제도, 노동시장 및 정치제도 등 독신모가구 빈곤의 국가 간 다양성에 영향을 끼치는 거시적 원인을 규명하는 것이다. 1981년부터 2012년 기간에 대해 불균형패널설계(unbalanced panel design)방법을 적용한 결합시계열회귀분석을 실시했다. 연구결과 독신모가구의 빈곤율은 국가 간 다양성이 현저했다. 1인당GDP는 빈곤위험감소에 기여하지 못했고, 여성고용율과 15세미만 아동비율은 빈곤위험을 증가시켰다. 전체사회복지지출, 아동에 대한 현금지출, 노조조직률, 정규직에 대한 고용보호, 비례대표선거제도, 누적좌파내각, 누적여성의석수는 독신모가구의 빈곤위험을 감소시키는 요인으로 나타났다. 한국은 경제성장 일변도와 노동시장유연화 위주의 탈빈곤전략에서 탈피해 보편적 복지제도, 아동에 대한 복지급여와 일-가정양립정책을 확대할 필요가 있다. 나아가 노조조직률향상과 고용보호확대 등 조정된 노동시장제도를 설계하고, 비례대표선거제도 등 합의제정치모델을 도입해 좌파정치세력과 여성의 정치적 대표성을 확립할 필요가 있다.

• 영어영문학
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• 제59권4호
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• pp.511-526
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• 2013

Focusing on Anna Katharine Green's Amelia Butterworth series and Agatha Christie's Miss Marple mysteries, this paper aims to examine the contradictory representation of a detective in spinster detective fiction. The spinster detective fiction reveals distinct ways of representing a female detective from the earlier woman detective fiction. Unlike the earlier woman detective represented as submissive and desperate for survival, a spinster detective is a wealthy, intelligent, brave, and independent woman from an upper class family. Since a spinster detective's attributes honor such masculine qualities as independence, intelligence, courage, and capacity for leadership, the spinster detective fiction has a possibility to threaten the established patriarchal authority. The possibility of gender disruption in the spinster detective fiction is, however, contained by the spinster's marginal position in the patriarchal system. Since a spinster exists outside the normal expectation of a woman's life in patriarchal society, a spinster detective creates no conflict with the dominant gender ideology. Furthermore, a spinster detective is represented as a conservative elderly woman expressing reactionary views on social, political issues including women's problems. The spinster detective fiction reinforces the established gender norms rather than challenges and questions them.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제14호
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• pp.125-158
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• 2012

After liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945, there was the three-year period of United States Army Military Government in Korea. In 1948, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and Republic of Korea were established in the north and south of the Korean Peninsula. The Republic of Korea is now a modern state set in the southern part of the Korean. We usually refer to Koreans as people who belong to the Republic of Korea. Can we say that is true exactly? Why make of this an obsolete question? The period from 1945 when Korea was emancipated from Japanese colonial rule to 1948 when the Republic of Korea was established has not been a focus of modern Korean history. This three years remains empty in Korean history and makes the concept of 'Korean' we usually consider ambiguous, and prompts careful attention to the silence of 'some Koreans' forced to live against their will in the blurred boundaries between nation and people. This dissertation regards 'Koreans' who came to live in the border of nations, especially 'Korean-Japanese third generation women artists'who are marginalized both Japan and Korea. It questions the category of 'Korean women's art' that has so far been considered, based on the concept of territory, and presents a new perspective for viewing 'Korean women's art'. Almost no study on Korean-Japanese women's art has been conducted, based on research on Korean diaspora, and no systematic historical records exist. Even data-collection is limited due to the political situation of South and North in confrontation. Representation of the Mother Country on the Artworks by First and Second-Generation Korean-Japanese(Zainich) Women Artists after Liberation since 1945 was published in 2011 is the only dissertation in which Korean-Japanese women artists, and early artistic activities. That research is based on press releases and interviews obtained through Japan. This thesis concentrates on the world of Korean-Japanese third generation women artists such as Kim Jung-sook, Kim Ae-soon, and Han Sung-nam, permanent residents in Japan who still have Korean nationality. The three Korean-Japanese third generation women artists whose art world is reviewed in this thesis would like to reveal their voices as minorities in Japan and Korea, resisting power and the universal concepts of nation, people and identity. Questioning the general notions of 'Korean women' and 'Korean women's art'considered within the Korean Peninsula, they explore their identity as Korean women outside the Korean territory from a post-territorial perspective and have a new understanding of the minority's diversity and difference through their eyes as marginal women living outside the mainstream of Korean and Japanese society. This is associated with recent post-colonial critical viewpoints reconsidering myths of universalism and transcendental aesthetic measures. In the 1980s and 1990s art museums and galleries in New York tried a critical shift in aesthetic discourse on contemporary art history, analyzed how power relationships among such elements as gender, sexuality, race, nationalism. Ghost of Ethnicity: Rethinking Art Discourses of the 1940s and 1980s by Lisa Bloom is an obvious presentation about the post-colonial discourse. Lisa Bloom rethinks the diversity of race, ethnicity, sexuality, and gender each artist and critic has, she began a new discussion on artists who were anti-establishment artists alienated by mainstream society. As migration rapidly increased through globalism lead by the United States the aspects of diaspora experience emerges as critical issues in interpreting contemporary culture. As a new concept of art with hybrid cultural backgrounds exists, each artist's cultural identity and specificity should be viewed and interpreted in a sociopolitical context. A criticism started considering the distinct characteristics of each individual's historical experience and cultural identity, and paying attention to experience of the third world artist, especially women artists, confronting the power of modernist discourses from a perspective of the white male subject. Considering recent international contemporary art, the Korean-Japanese third generation women artists who clarify their cultural identity as minority living in the border between Korea and Japan may present a new direction for contemporary Korean art. Their art world derives from their diaspora experience on colonial trauma historically. Their works made us to see that it is also associated with postcolonial critical perspective in the recent contemporary art stream. And it reminds us of rethinking the diversity of the minority living outside mainstream society. Thus, this should be considered as one of the features in the context of Korean women's art.