• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.8
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• pp.1-10
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• 2013

Even though the importance of reading voters' share of mind increases in political campaign, there is no research which analyzes engagement in perspective of political campaign. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to calculate political engagement index which is qualitative indicator about political campaign's immersion in candidate in perspective of engagement and provide scientific data for political advertisement and publicity strategy. For this purpose, A and B candidates who ran for 18th president in December 19th, 2012 are selected for subjects of the research. The young people whose voter participations are low in this presidential election are selected as subjects for responding questionnaire and are surveyed. This research is qualitative evaluation which tires to supplement a limit of qualitative analysis of content by surpassing quantitative evaluation including advertisement, promotion, public opinion on politics, ratings, etc. Evaluation attribute is designed to distribute 8 PEI into 0~100 score. If PEI is more than 50, then the score indicates immersion above average. If PEI is lower than 50, then the score indicates immersion below average. The model of the research will contribute to development of methodological research of political campaign strategy. Also, in the future, this model can be used as micro-targeting in each political campaign's election strategy.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.8
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• pp.65-73
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• 2013

Outcome of election depends on which candidate of politics uses more original and creative idea for Ads and PR of election in election campaign strategy of political campaign. Especially, since political Ads and PR are the ways of capturing voters' sensitivities with one line of copy(slogan) and one image, Ads and PR are very important. This research analyzes unique and creative trend of political campaigns which are used in each unit election which is held four times(2010. 6 2 local election, 2011. 10 26 by-election, 2012. 4 11 general election, 2012. 12 19 presidential election) during 2010~2012. For analysis, search analysis of text and image used in video, internet, booklet type of Ads and PR material for election, and election campaign. Video is used in election campaign during election period. Unique and creative political campaign is customized micro-marketing election strategy trend which tries to fit for tendency of backing including gender, age group, social atmosphere, etc. This research excludes the degree of success of this election strategy from subject of analysis.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2019

This study examined the trends and issues of social media campaign studies from three aspects-campaign strategy, institutional environment regulating the social media, and political effect. Then, this study performed an empirical analysis on the case of the 20th general election in order to discuss the political effect, which has been analyzed the least. Specifically, this study empirically examined the trends of candidates' participation in the twitter campaign, the partial mobilization and voter response, and the platform effect on the election results. The study examined all of the candidates' twitter accounts and traffic and found the following results.-first, the number of participants in the twitter campaign increased significantly compared to the 19th general election, and the campaign was dominated by only two political parties that had more power to mobilize resources; second, it was clearly identified that twitter is a partisan media. where specifically, those in the mainstream of the Democratic Party mobilized much more supporters; and lastly, the twitter campaign has a positive impact on the increase in the rate of votes and chances of winning the election. Particularly, the number of followers and the duration of activities were found statistically meaningful, proving that promotion of networking and social capital is more important in election campaigns.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.171-202
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• 2018

Issue ownership concerns a party's issue handling reputation. When a party is perceived to have the best solution for an issue, voters identify the party as the owner of the issue. Extant literature of issue ownership voting shows that voters tend to vote for a party that they identify as the owner of an issue they concern most. That is, the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditioned by the perceived salience of the issue in question. This study investigates another condition of issue ownership voting: i.e. party behavior in election campaigns. It argues that the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditional: it depends on party behavior as well as issue salience. During the campaign in the 2016 legislative election, only the Democratic Party of Korea, the opposition party at that time, actively presented itself as the owner of economic issues. The analysis results of this study show that the identification of the Democratic Party as the economic issue owner affects voting for the party when a voter thinks the economy to be the most important issue. However, the identification of the other parties as the economic issue owner does not affect voting for them under the same condition. The results support the argument that party behavior as well as issue salience are conditions of issue ownership voting.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2019

This study aims to explore the implications of the 2019 European Parliament elections. Existing studies show that European elections serve as secondary elections dominated by domestic issues. However, the 2019 European elections have highlighted pan-European issues such as the Brexit negotiations and the rise of far-right populism, with voter turnout also rising sharply to 50.62%, which is the highest record since the 2000s. There was also a significant change in the number of parliamentary seats held by each political group. First, the European People's Party(EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats(S&D), which had hitherto led the European Parliament, failed to achieve a majority. Second, the number of seats won by Renew Europe, a new liberal-centrist group, was considerably high. Third, the far-right groups organized a full-fledged political force by rallying around the Identity and Democracy(ID) group. The rise of liberal-centrism can be explained as a reaction to the popularity of anti-European populism. Renew Europe's emphasis on open-market competition has created a different issue, especially since the center-left and center-right groups have stressed on the need for state intervention in employment, welfare, security and immigration control. Along with far-right populism, liberal centrism has also reshuffled Europe's political cleavage, and the conflict between 'liberalism' and 'protectionism' has become more evident in the European Parliament.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-115
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• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.113-140
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• 2020

This study is meaningful in that it is the first analysis of Korean elections using the concept of spatial autocorrelation. Spatial autocorrelation means that an event occurring in one location in space has a high correlation with an event occurring in the surrounding area. The voter turnout rate in the 21^st general election of Seoul area was divided into the early-voting turnout and voting-day turnout, and the spatial pattern of the turnout was examined. Most of the previous studies were based on the unit of the precinct and personal data, but this study analyzed on the basis of the lower unit, Eup-myeon-dong, and analyzed using spatial data and aggregate data. Moran I index showed a fairly high spatial autocorrelation of 0.261 in the voting-day turnout, while the index of the early-voting turnout was low at 0.095, indicating that there was little spatial autocorrelation despite statistical significance. The voting-day turnout, which showed strong spatial autocorrelation, was compared and analyzed using the OLS regression model and the spatial statistics model. In the general regression model, the coefficient of determination R² rose from 0.585261 to 0.656631 in the spatial error model, showing an increase in explanatory power of about 7 percentage points. This means that the spatial statistical model has high explanatory power. The most interesting result is the relationship between the early-voting turnout and the voting-day turnout. The higher the early-voting turnout is, the lower the voting-day turnout is. When the early-voing turnout increases by about 2%, the voting-day turnout drops by about 1%. In this study, the variables affecting the early-voting turnout and the voting-day turnout are very different. This finding is different from the previous researches.