• Speech Sciences
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.19-33
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• 2006

This study explores whether Russian, known to have a process of syllable-final devoicing, reveals differences in vowel duration as a function of the underlying voicing of the coda stop. This paper also examines whether non-native speakers of Russian and English learn typical L2 values in vowel duration. The results indicate that vowels in Russian have a slightly longer mean duration before a voiced stop than before a voiceless stop (a mean difference of 9.52 ms), but in most cases the differences did not exhibit statistical significance. In English the mean difference was 60.05 ms, and the differences were in most cases statistically significant. All native Russian speakers of English produced larger absolute differences in vowel duration for English than for Russian, and all native English speakers of Russian produced smaller absolute differences for Russian than for English. More experienced learners seemed to achieve more native-like values of vowel duration than less experienced learners did, suggesting that learning occurs gradually as the learners gain more experience with the L2.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.35-45
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• 2023

Tohoku Japanese is known to have voiced stops without pre-voicing in word-initial position, whereas traditional or conservative Japanese has voiced stops with pre-voicing in the same position. One problem with this devoicing of voiced stops is that it affects the distinction between voiced and voiceless stops because their voice onset time (VOT) values overlap. Previous studies have confirmed that Tohoku speakers use post-stop fundamental frequency (F0) as an acoustic cue along with VOT to avoid overlap. However, the role of post-stop F0 as a perceptual cue in this region has barely been investigated. Therefore, this study explored the role of post-stop F0 in stop voicing perception along with VOT. Several perception tests were conducted using resynthesized stimuli, which were manipulated along a VOT continuum orthogonal to an F0 continuum. The results showed no significant regional difference (Tohoku vs. Chubu) for nonsense words (/ta-da/). However, for meaningful words (/pari/ 'Paris' vs. /bari/ 'Bali,' /piza/ 'pizza' vs. /biza/ 'visa'), a significant word effect was found, and it was confirmed that some listeners utilized the post-stop F0 more consistently and steadily than others. Based on these results, we discuss innovative listeners who may lead the change in the perception of stop voicing.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.2 no.4
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• pp.29-37
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• 2010

Previous studies have investigated a between-category relationship of multiple acoustic cues for a laryngeal contrast by examining the distributions of VOT, f0 and H1-H2. The current study examined within-category correlations between cues comprising stops by Korean- and English-speaking adults and children to understand how children master the internal structure of stop phonation types in two languages. Word-initial stops were collected from about 70 children and 15 adults speaking English and Korean, and were analyzed in terms of VOT, f0 and H1-H2 to compute correlation coefficients. Findings in adults' productions included a gender-differentiated cue-correlation pattern associated with H1-H2 in Korean tense stops and a trading relationship between f0 and VOT in Korean lax and aspirated stops and English voiced and voiceless stops. Children did not necessarily have adult-like cue-correlation patterns even in early-acquired categories, suggesting that the mastery of intra-category structure of phonation type might occur later than inter-category structure.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.81-98
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• 2007

This study aims to investigate whether shortened vowel duration conditioned by a following voiceless stop induces phonetic reduction of vowel space in English, and whether the reduction appears more in the height dimension than in the backness dimension (Lindblom, 1963; Flemming, 2005). Fifteen native speakers of American English read minimal pairs containing ten American English vowels in [bVd] and [bVt] syllables in a carrier phrase. All the subjects produced shorter vowels in the voiceless than in the voiced context. However, a reduction in vowel space and a raising of low vowels due to the shortened vowel duration were generally not found. To the contrary, the speakers tended to exhibit even more lowering of low vowels in the voiceless context, and vowel space was more commonly compressed in the backness dimension than in the height dimension. Many speakers, in particular, demonstrated fronting of the high back vowel [u] in the voiceless context. It was interpreted that due to a relatively large number of English vowels in the narrower low vowel space, the raising of low vowels may give rise to confusion in vowel contrasts, and therefore the degree of phonetic vowel reduction is restricted in that region. On the other hand, the high vowel region, being relatively spacious in English, allows a certain degree of phonetic vowel reduction in the F2 dimension. It is possible that heavy requirements for maintaining vowel contrasts may cause speakers to overachieve vowel target values, especially when faced with vowels which are difficult to distinguish due to shortened vowel duration, leading to an over-lowering of the low vowels.

• The Journal of the Korean dental association
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• v.10 no.9
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• pp.605-625
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• 1972

한글의 파열자음(Plosive Consonants of stop consonants)인 ㄱ, R, ㅋ, ㅃ, ㅍ이나, ㄷ, ㄸ, ㅌ의 삼중 구별은 외국어에서는 찾아 볼수 없는 한글 고유의 특성이라고 생각되어 왔다. 이는 한국인 학자에게 뿐만 아니라 외국인 학자에게도 크나큰 관심사가 되어 왔다. 그 가장 큰 이유중의 하나가 소위 파열자음의 생리기전면에서 볼때, p,b나 k,g의 구별이 단순히 무성(Voiceless)대 유성(Voiced)의 차이냐 또는 근육의 힘의 차이냐 하는 문제가 오랫동안 국제학계에서 논난의 대상이 되어왔기 때문이다. 둘째로는 기이하게도 한글의 파열자음은 모두 무성자음으로 외국어에서 볼수있는 유성대 무성의 대조는 없으며, 다만 근육의 gal의 대조가 있지 않을까 생각되어 왔기 때문이다. 그러나 현재까지는 이 세가지 종류의 한글파열자음 발음시의 생리기전의 차이를 규명한 연구가 없었다. 저자는 이점에 착안하여 미국 위스컨신대학교 언어병리학 및 생리학 실험실에서 고도로 발달된 최신 연구기구를 이용하여 한글파열 자음 발음시의 생리기전의 차이를 규명하였다. 서론 연구방법, 연구결과, 결론에 관한 자세한 내용은 영문초록에 기술되어 있다.

• MALSORI
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• no.33_34
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• pp.1-10
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• 1997

Korean stop consonants are well known for their tripple distinction. In word initial position lax, tense and aspirated consonants are all voiceless. They are differentiated by the degree of tension, aspiration and VOT(voice onset time). But in intervocalic position, lax consonants become voiced. In this study I compare the acoustic features of Korean intervocalic lax and tense stops. The closure duration of lax stops is shorter than that of tense consonants. The preceding vowel length is longer in tan than that in tense consonants. I modify the above acoustic characteristics by an experimental methods. For example, I shorten the closure duration of intervocalic tense stops by 5 steps. r also do auditory tests which will show us listener's reaction on the above examples. And do the same job with the preceding vowels. According to the auditory test, the closure duration does an important role in differentiating Korean intervocalic lax and tense stops. But the preceding vowel length has almost nothing to do with the distinction between lax and tense stops. So I conclude that acoustic features also have hierarchy. Some features have categorical characteristics and others don't.

• Proceedings of the KSPS conference
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• 2003.10a
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• pp.43-49
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• 2003

This study reveals the perceptual role of stop release burst to Koreans' recognition of POA(place of articulation) and voicing in the English word-final stops. 10 Korean subjects participated in a perception experiment wherein the stimuli are prepared on the basis of the amount of acoustic information, which includes the release burst. The result shows that i) release burst plays an important role in the recognition of POA in the order of velar, alveolar, and bilabial stops, and ii) the release burst more enhances the correct recognition of voiceless stops than that of voiced stops. This result leads us to conclude that the role of stop release burst differs with respect to the POA and voicing of the stops, and it is possibly related to the different intensity of release in voicing and in each POA.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.37-44
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• 2021

Preliminary findings are reported from five experiments testing the perceived naturalness of word tokens whose vowel durations are altered. The stimuli were minimal pairs of English words ending in a voiced/voiceless plosive. Results show an asymmetric effect of shortening and lengthening of the vowel on the perceived naturalness of the word. Incremental shortening of vowel duration initially shows a stable degree of perceived naturalness but rapidly deteriorates beyond a certain point. On the contrary, only a small degree of lengthening of the vowel made the perceived naturalness of the word quickly decay, but there was a floor effect such that the perceived degree of naturalness does not lower beyond a certain level. Further, the tokens with the original vowel duration were not always scored higher than the stimuli with a small degree of shortening. Future studies should address the issue of speaking rate and the ratio between the vowel and the stop closure duration to better understand the phenomenon. The issue investigated here has implications on the role of prototypical exemplars in the perception of phonotactic naturalness.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.3-11
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• 2015

This study compared English and Korean speakers with regard to the nasalization of the English stops /b, d, g, p, t, k/before a nasal within and across a word boundary. Nine English and thirty Korean speakers participated in the experiment. We used 37 speech items with different grammatical structures. Overall the English informants rarely nasalized the stops while the Korean informants generally greatly nasalized them though widely varying from no nasalization to almost complete nasalization. In general, voiced stops were more likely to be nasalized than voiceless stops. Also, the alveolar stops /d, t/tended to be nasalized the most, the bilabial stops /b, p/ the second most, and the velar stops /g, k/ the least. Besides, the closer the grammatical relationship between neighboring words, the more likely the stop nasalization occurred. In contrast, the Korean syllabification - the addition of the vowel /i/ to the final stops - worked against the stop nasalization. On the other hand, different stress (accent) or rhythm effects of the two languages are assumed to contribute to the significantly different nasalization between English and Korean speakers. The spectrum of stop nasalization obtained from this study can be used as an index to measure how close a certain Korean speaker's stop nasalization is to English speakers'.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.113-130
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• 2002

Measurements were made of pressure rise time (PoRT), voice cessation time, flattened peak intraoral air pressure (Po), pressure static time (PoST), pressure-fall time and the duration of oral closure as four English speakers uttered isolated nonsense $V_{1}CV_{2}$ words containing /b/ and /p/ ($V_{1}=V_{2}$ and the V was /$\alpha$/), with stress on either $V_{1}orV_{2}$ alternately. The hypothesis tested was: The tense stop consonant. will be characterized either by a higher Po or a longer PoST, and/or by both against lax. Findings: (1) PoRT was significantly greater in /b/ than /p/, (2) the voiceless stop /p/ produced generally greater mean Po, averaged across five tokens, than its voiced counterpart /b/, but statistically insignificant, and (3) altogether, across stress, tokens and subjects, the difference in the calculated pressure static time (PoSTc), i.e., PoST + PoRT, between /p/ and /b/ was highly significant (p $\leq$ 0.003). Although further investigations remain to be taken, the results strongly supported the linguistic hypothesis of tense-lax distinction, with /b/ being lax and /p/ tense. Airflow resistance at the glottis and supraglottal air volume are assumed to be responsible for much of difference in PoRT between /p/ and /b/. The PoSTc reflecting, although indirectly, the respiratory efforts during the oral closure of a stop, was a convincing phonetic parameter of the consonantal tenseness based on respiratory efforts. The effects of stress on Po and PoSTc were inconsistent, and the shorter PoRT than consonantal constriction interval was always accompanied by Po and PoST.