• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.47-72
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• 1991

To obtain the principal data for useful treatment and processing of Korean geoduck (Panope japonica A. ADAMS) which inhabit mostly at Dong-Hae coastal area in Korea, changes of $NH_2$-N, TMAO, TMA, total creatinine, protein composition and fatty acid composition in raw and blanched geoduck muscle during storage at $-20^{\circ}C$ were investigated. In addition, its chemical composition variation in the whole year was elucidated. The moisture content in geoduck muscle meat was 78.1% to 82% in the whole year. Particularly, in July its moisture content was maximum as 82% and in September minimum as 78.1%. Crude protein was in the range of 12.3-16.4%, crude lipid the average was 1.5%, crude ash on the average was 1.4%. The abundant fatty acids in geoduck muscle oil were $C_{16}$ : 0, $C_{16}$ : 1, $C_{18}$ : 0, $C_{18}$ : 1, $C_{20}$ : 5, and $C_{22}$ : 6 acids. During storage at $-20^{\circ}C$, content of unsaturated fatty acid such as eicosapentaenoic acid (EPA, $C_{20}$ : 5) and docosahexaenoic acid (DHA, $C_{22}$ : 6)in raw geoduck muscle decreased somewhat and the raw geoduck was slightly oxidized. Trimethylamine (TMA), volatile basic nitrogen (VBN)and $NH_2$-N of raw muscle increased compared to blanched muscle. Trimethylamine oxide (TMAO) was slightly decreased during the storage period. The muscle protein was approximately composed of 37% sarcoplasmic, 29% myofibrillar, 22% alkali soluble, and 12% stroma protein. Among several proteins, myofibrillar protein content decreased mostly, while the alkali-soluble and stroma protein content increased slightly during storage at $-20^{\circ}C$.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.271-279
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• 1989

Mean values representing the particle size distribution and some chemical properties for the cultivated soils were obtained from the analysis results of the typical profiles, which were described by the detailed soil maps throughout Korea. Analysis results of 5,215 soil samples (3,075 for paddy and 2,140 for upland) were available for the determination of mean values. The results are under. 1. Paddy topsoil contained 20.4% for clay, 5.8 for pH, 2.6% for organic matter, 10.4me/100g for exchangeable K, and 89ppm for available $P_2O_5$. Upland topsoil did 17.3% for clay, 5.5 for pH, 1.8% for organic matter, 9.lme/100g for CEC, 0.29me/100g for exchangeable K, and 103ppm for availabal $P_2O_5$. 2. Soil properies for paddy were markedly influenced by the reliefs. Topsoil contained 21.4% for clay, 6.0 for pH, 2.2% for organic matter, 10.8me/100g for CEC, 0.39me/100g for exchang-cable K and 57ppm for available $P_2O_5$ on the fluvio-marine plain, 15.3%, 5.7, 2.0%, 8.6me/100g, 0.17me/100g and 76ppm on the alluvial plain, 18.8%, 5.9, 2.7%, 10.4me/100g, 0.19me/100g and 80ppm on the valleys and fans, 25.0%, 5.7, 2.5%, 11.5me/100g, 0.26me/100g, 0.27me/100g and 141ppm on the moutain foot slopes, respectively. 3. Soil Properties for upland, also, were markedly influenced by the reliefs. Topsoil contained 5.5% for clay, 5.7 for pH, 1.1% for organic matter, 4.7me/100g for CEC, 0.17me/100g for exchangeable K and 50ppm for available $P_2O_5$ on the fluvio-marine plain, 10.3%, 5.5, 1.4%, 7.6me/100g, 0.26me/100g and 160ppm on the alluvial plain, 13.9%, 5.4, 1.8%, 9.3me/100g, 0.24me/100g and and 184ppm on the valleys and fans, 29.8%, 5.3, 2.1%, 11.2me/100g 0.40me/100g and 58ppm on the alluvial plain, 20.0%, 5.7, 2.7%, 11.4me/100g, 0.32me/100g and 116ppm on the mountain foot slopes, and 24.6%, 5.3, 1.8%, 10.2me/100g, 0.28me/100g and 51ppm on the rolling and Hill. 4. All chemical properties did not reach the ideal value for maximizing land capability. 5. Organic matter, exchangeable cations and available $P_2O_5$ were not normally distributed. Intervals of one and two standard deviations about mean of an approximately normal distribution were calculated.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.205-211
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• 2000

This study was conducted to evaluate the residual effects of basic oxygen furnace (BOF) slag applied in rice paddy fields as soil conditioner one year before. The experimental fields of Lim et al. (2000) located in Youjung and Nampyung were used for this purpose. Both variety (Oryza sativa L. cv. Dongjinbyeo) and cultural practices were the same as those in Lim et al. (2000). Soil chemical properties, plant height, number of tillers per plant, yield and yield components were observed. The temporal variation of treatment mean value in soil chemical properties appeared to be similar trends in both Youjung and Nampyung experimental fields. Soil pH and Ca content were still significantly higher than those in control treatment up to July of the second season, but decreased progressively as time passed. However, the effects lasted longer as slag rate became higher. BOF slag seems to have residual effects as a soil conditioner or Ca fertilizer in soil for two years. BOF slag rate of $4Mg\;ha^{-1}$ raised soil pH almost the same as lime rate of $2Mg\;ha^{-1}$. Content of $SiO_2$ in soil applied slag appeared to be higher compared with control. Fe and Mg content in soil with slag treatment was significantly higher than that of control in 1997, but it was almost the same level as that of control in 1998. In YouJung experimental field, rough rice yield of slag teatment became higher as slage rate incresed. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed the highest rough rice yield of $5,400kg\;ha^{-1}$ among treatment, which was 14% higher than that of control with $4,720kg\;ha^{-1}$. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed relatively higher plant height and higher number of tillers at the early growth stage compared with other treatments. In NamPyung experimental field, rough rice yield was the highest at the plot of lime rate $2Mg\;ha^{-1}$ and became higher as slag rate increased. There were no significant differences in rough rice yield between lime treatment and slag treatments. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed the highest rough rice yield of $7,170kg\;ha^{-1}$ among slag treatment, which was 8% significantly higher than that of control with $6,670kg\;ha^{-1}$. Slag rate of $12Mg\;ha^{-1}$ showed relatively slower growth in plant height at the early growth stage, but superior growth at the later growth stage, and significantly higher number of spiklets per panicle and 1000-grain weight than that of control.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.26
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• pp.103-149
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• 2010

Documentation strategy has been experimented in various subject areas and local regions since late 1980's when it was proposed as archival appraisal and selection methods by archival communities in the United States. Though it was criticized to be too ideal, it needs to shed new light on the potentialities of the strategy for documenting local regions in digital environment. The purpose of this study is to analyse the implementation issues of documentation strategy and to suggest the directions for documenting local regions of Korea through the application of the strategy. The documentation strategy which was developed more than twenty years ago in mostly western countries gives us some implications for documenting local regions even in current digital environments. They are as follows; Firstly, documentation strategy can enhance the value of archivists as well as archives in local regions because archivist should be active shaper of history rather than passive receiver of archives according to the strategy. It can also be a solution for overcoming poor conditions of local archives management in Korea. Secondly, the strategy can encourage cooperation between collecting institutions including museums, libraries, archives, cultural centers, history institutions, etc. in each local region. In the networked environment the cooperation can be achieved more effectively than in traditional environment where the heavy workload of cooperative institutions is needed. Thirdly, the strategy can facilitate solidarity of various groups in local region. According to the analysis of the strategy projects, it is essential to collect their knowledge, passion, and enthusiasm of related groups to effectively implement the strategy. It can also provide a methodology for minor groups of society to document their memories. This study suggests the directions of documenting local regions in consideration of current archival infrastructure of Korean as follows; Firstly, very selective and intensive documentation should be pursued rather than comprehensive one for documenting local regions. Though it is a very political problem to decide what subject has priority for documentation, interests of local community members as well as professional groups should be considered in the decision-making process seriously. Secondly, it is effective to plan integrated representation of local history in the distributed custody of local archives. It would be desirable to implement archival gateway for integrated search and representation of local archives regardless of the location of archives. Thirdly, it is necessary to try digital documentation using Web 2.0 technologies. Documentation strategy as the methodology of selecting and acquiring archives can not avoid subjectivity and prejudices of appraiser completely. To mitigate the problems, open documentation system should be prepared for reflecting different interests of different groups. Fourth, it is desirable to apply a conspectus model used in cooperative collection management of libraries to document local regions digitally. Conspectus can show existing documentation strength and future documentation intensity for each participating institution. Using this, documentation level of each subject area can be set up cooperatively and effectively in the local regions.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.115-155
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• 2009

As Korea was merged into Japan, the official documents during Kabo Reform and The Great Han Empire time were handed over to the Government-General of Chosun and reclassified from section based to ministry based. However they had been reclassified before many times. The footprints of reclassification can be found in the classification stamps and warehouse number stamps which remained on the cover of official documents from Kabo Reform to The Great Han Empire. They classified the documents by Section in the classification system of Ministry-Department-Section, stamped and numbered them. It is consistent with the official document classification system in The Great Han Empire, which shows the section based classification was maintained. Although they stamped by Section and numbered the documents, there were differences in sub classification system by Section. In the documents of Land Tax Section, many institutions can be found. The documents of the same year can be found in different group and documents of similar characteristics are classified in the same group. Customs Section and Other Tax Section seemed to number their documents according to the year of documents. However the year and the order of 'i-ro-ha(イロハ) song' does not match. From Kabo Reform to The Great Han Empire the documents were grouped by Section. However they did not have classification rules for the sub units of Section. Therefore, it is not clear if the document grouping of classification stamps can be understood as the original order of official document classification system of The Great Han Empire. However, given the grouping method reflects the document classification system, the sub section classification system of the Great Han Empire can be inferred through the grouping method. In this inference, it is understood that the classification system was divided into two such as 'Section - Counterpart Institution' and 'Section - Document Issuance Year'. The Government-General of Chosun took over the official documents of The Great Han Empire, stored them in the warehouse and marked them with Warehouse Number Stamps. Warehouse Number Stamp contained the Institution that grouped those documents and the documents were stored by warehouse. Although most of the documents on the shelves in each warehouse were arranged by classification stamp number, some of them were mixed and the order of shelves and that of documents did not match. Although they arranged the documents on the shelves and gave the symbols in the order of 'i-ro-ha(イロハ) song', these symbols were not given by the order of number. During the storage of the documents by the Government-General of Chosun, the classification system according to the classification stamps was affected. One characteristic that can be found in warehouse number stamps is that the preservation period on each document group lost the meaning. The preservation period id decided according to the historical and administrative value. However, the warehouse number stamps did not distinguish the documents according to the preservation period and put the documents with different preservation period on one shelf. As Japan merged Korea, The Great Han Empire did not consider the official documents of the Great Han Empire as administrative documents that should be disposed some time later. It considered them as materials to review the old which is necessary for the colonial governance. As the meaning of the documents has been changed from general administrative documents to the materials that they would need to govern the colony, they dealt with all the official documents of The Great Han Empire as the same object regardless of preservation period. The Government-General of Chosun destroyed the classification system of the Great Han Empire which was based on Section and the functions in the Section by reclassifying them according to Ministry when they reclassified the official documents during Kobo Reform and the Great Han Empire in order to utilize them to govern the colony.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.157-199
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• 2009

The organization for managing records and archives did not emerge together with the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Such management became active with the establishment of the Department of Documents (文書科) and its affiliated offices overseeing reading and safekeeping of official papers, after the formation of the Central Secretariat(中央秘書處) in 1926. Improving the work of the Secretariat's organization became the focus of critical discussions in the early 1930s. The main criticism was that the Secretariat had failed to be cognizant of its political role and degenerated into a mere "functional organization." The solution to this was the "politicization of the Secretariat's work." Moreover, influenced by the "Rectification Movement" in the 1940s, the party emphasized the responsibility of the Resources Department (材料科) that extended beyond managing documents to collecting, organizing and providing various kinds of important information data. In the mean time, maintaining security with regard to composing documents continued to be emphasized through such methods as using different names for figures and organizations or employing special inks for document production. In addition, communications between the central political organs and regional offices were emphasized through regular reports on work activities and situations of the local areas. The General Secretary not only composed the drafts of the major official documents but also handled the reading and examination of all documents, and thus played a central role in record processing. The records, called archives after undergoing document processing, were placed in safekeeping. This function was handled by the "Document Safekeeping Office(文件保管處)" of the Central Secretariat's Department of Documents. Although the Document Safekeeping Office, also called the "Central Repository(中央文庫)", could no longer accept, beginning in the early 1930s, additional archive transfers, the Resources Department continued to strengthen throughout the 1940s its role of safekeeping and providing documents and publication materials. In particular, collections of materials for research and study were carried out, and with the recovery of regions which had been under the Japanese rule, massive amounts of archive and document materials were collected. After being stipulated by rules in 1931, the archive classification and cataloguing methods became actively systematized, especially in the 1940s. Basically, "subject" classification methods and fundamental cataloguing techniques were adopted. The principle of assuming "importance" and "confidentiality" as the criteria of management emerged from a relatively early period, but the concept or process of evaluation that differentiated preservation and discarding of documents was not clear. While implementing a system of secure management and restricted access for confidential information, the critical view on providing use of archive materials was very strong, as can be seen in the slogan, "the unification of preservation and use." Even during the revolutionary movement and wars, the Chinese Communist Party continued their efforts to strengthen management and preservation of records & archives. The results were not always desirable nor were there any reasons for such experiences to lead to stable development. The historical conditions in which the Chinese Communist Party found itself probably made it inevitable. The most pronounced characteristics of this process can be found in the fact that they not only pursued efficiency of records & archives management at the functional level but, while strengthening their self-awareness of the political significance impacting the Chinese Communist Party's revolution movement, they also paid attention to the value possessed by archive materials as actual evidence for revolutionary policy research and as historical evidence of the Chinese Communist Party.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.220-239
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• 2019

According to the National Currency (國幣) article in GyeongGukDaeJeon (經國大典), the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was a seal that was imprinted on both ends of a piece of hemp fabric (布). It was used for the circulation of hemp fabric as a fabric currency (布幣). The issued fabric currency was used as a currency for trade or as pecuniary means to have one's crime exempted or replace one's labor duty. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn would be imprinted on a piece of hemp fabric (布) to collect one-twentieth of tax. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was one of the historical currencies and seal materials used during the early Chosun dynasty. Its imprint was a means of collecting taxes; hence, it was one of the taxation research materials. Despite its value, however, there has been no active research undertaken on it. Thus, the investigator conducted comprehensive research on it based on related content found in JeonRokTongGo (典錄通考), Dae'JeonHu-Sok'Rok (大典後續錄), JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄) and other geography books (地理志) as well as the materials mentioned by researchers in previous studies. The investigator demonstrated that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was established based on the concept of circulating Choson fabric notes (朝鮮布貨) with a seal on ChongOseungp'o (正五升布) in entreaty documents submitted in 1401 and that the fabric currency (布幣) with the imprint of the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was used as a currency for trade, pecuniary or taxation means of having one's crime exempted, or replacing one's labor, and as a tool of revenue from ships. The use of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn continued even after a ban on fabric currencies (布幣) in March 1516 due to a policy on the "use of Joehwa (paper notes)" in 1515. It was still used as an official seal on local official documents in 1598. During the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖), it was used to make a military service (軍布) hemp fabric. Some records of 1779 indicate that it was used as a means of taxation for international trade. It is estimated that approximately 330 ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn were in circulation based on records in JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄). Although there was the imprint of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn in An Inquiry on Choson Currency (朝鮮貨幣考) published in 1940, there had been no fabric currencies (布幣) with its imprint on them or genuine cases of the seal. It was recently found among the artifacts of Wongaksa Temple. The seal imprint was also found on historical manuscripts produced at the Jikjisa Temple in 1775. The investigator compared the seal imprints found on the historical manuscripts of the Jikjisa Temple, attached to TapJwaJongJeonGji (塔左從政志), and published in An Inquiry on Choson Currency with the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn housed at the Wongaksa Temple. It was found that these seal imprints were the same shape as the one at Wongaksa Temple. In addition, their overall form was the same as the one depicted in Daerokji (大麓誌) and LiJaeNanGo (?齋亂藁). These findings demonstrate that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn at Wongaksa Temple was a seal made in the 15th century and is, therefore, an important artifact in the study of Choson's currency history, taxation, and seals. There is a need for future research examining its various aspects.

• Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.50-63
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• 2018

The rapid urbanization had led to a distortion of natural hydrological cycle system. The change in hydrological cycle structure is causing streamflow depletion, changing the existing use tendency of water resources. To manage such phenomena, a streamflow depletion impact assessment technology to forecast depletion is required. For performing such technology, it is indispensable to build GIS-based spatial data as fundamental data, but there is a shortage of related research. Therefore, this study was conducted to use the use of GIS-based time series spatial data for streamflow depletion assessment. For this study, GIS data over decades of changes on a national scale were constructed, targeting 6 streamflow depletion impact factors (weather, soil depth, forest density, road network, groundwater usage and landuse) and the data were used as the basic data for the operation of continuous hydrologic model. Focusing on these impact factors, the causes for streamflow depletion were analyzed depending on time series. Then, using distributed continuous hydrologic model based DrySAT, annual runoff of each streamflow depletion impact factor was measured and depletion assessment was conducted. As a result, the default value of annual runoff was measured at 977.9mm under the given weather condition without considering other factors. When considering the decrease in soil depth, the increase in forest density, road development, and groundwater usage, along with the change in land use and development, and annual runoff were measured at 1,003.5mm, 942.1mm, 961.9mm, 915.5mm, and 1003.7mm, respectively. The results showed that the major causes of the streaflow depletion were lowered soil depth to decrease the infiltration volume and surface runoff thereby decreasing streamflow; the increased forest density to decrease surface runoff; the increased road network to decrease the sub-surface flow; the increased groundwater use from undiscriminated development to decrease the baseflow; increased impervious areas to increase surface runoff. Also, each standard watershed depending on the grade of depletion was indicated, based on the definition of streamflow depletion and the range of grade. Considering the weather, the decrease in soil depth, the increase in forest density, road development, and groundwater usage, and the change in land use and development, the grade of depletion were 2.1, 2.2, 2.5, 2.3, 2.8, 2.2, respectively. Among the five streamflow depletion impact factors except rainfall condition, the change in groundwater usage showed the biggest influence on depletion, followed by the change in forest density, road construction, land use, and soil depth. In conclusion, it is anticipated that a national streamflow depletion assessment system to be develop in the future would provide customized depletion management and prevention plans based on the system assessment results regarding future data changes of the six streamflow depletion impact factors and the prospect of depletion progress.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.25-32
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• 2019

Purpose: The size, shape, and volume of prosthetic appliance depend on the metal artifacts resulting from dental implant during head and neck treatment with radiation. This reduced the accuracy of contouring targets and surrounding normal tissues in radiation treatment plan. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to obtain the images of metal representing the size of tooth through MVCT, SMART-MAR CT and KVCT, evaluate the volumes, apply them into the proton therapy plan, and analyze the difference of dose distribution. Materials and Methods : Metal A ($0.5{\times}0.5{\times}0.5cm$), Metal B ($1{\times}1{\times}1cm$), and Metal C ($1{\times}2{\times}1cm$) similar in size to inlay, crown, and bridge taking the treatments used at the dentist's into account were made with Cerrobend ($9.64g/cm^3$). Metal was placed into the In House Head & Neck Phantom and by using CT Simulator (Discovery CT 590RT, GE, USA) the images of KVCT and SMART-MAR were obtained with slice thickness 1.25 mm. The images of MVCT were obtained in the same way with $RADIXACT^{(R)}$ Series (Accuracy $Precision^{(R)}$, USA). The images of metal obtained through MVCT, SMART-MAR CT, and KVCT were compared in both size of axis X, Y, and Z and volume based on the Autocontour Thresholds Raw Values from the computerized treatment planning equipment Pinnacle (Ver 9.10, Philips, Palo Alto, USA). The proton treatment plan (Ray station 5.1, RaySearch, USA) was set by fusing the contour of metal B ($1{\times}1{\times}1cm$) obtained from the above experiment by each CT into KVCT in order to compare the difference of dose distribution. Result: Referencing the actual sizes, it was appeared: Metal A (MVCT: 1.0 times, SMART-MAR CT: 1.84 times, and KVCT: 1.92 times), Metal B (MVCT: 1.02 times, SMART-MAR CT: 1.47 times, and KVCT: 1.82 times), and Metal C (MVCT: 1.0 times, SMART-MAR CT: 1.46 times, and KVCT: 1.66 times). MVCT was measured most similarly to the actual metal volume. As a result of measurement by applying the volume of metal B into proton treatment plan, the dose of $D_{99%}$ volume was measured as: MVCT: 3094 CcGE, SMART-MAR CT: 2902 CcGE, and KVCT: 2880 CcGE, against the reference 3082 CcGE Conclusion: Overall volume and axes X and Z were most identical to the actual sizes in MVCT and axis Y, which is in the superior-Inferior direction, was regular in length without differences in CT. The best dose distribution was shown in MVCT having similar size, shape, and volume of metal when treating head and neck protons. Thus it is thought that it would be very useful if the contour of prosthetic appliance using MVCT is applied into KVCT for proton treatment plan.