Southeast Asian cities like Manila, the Philippines, and Singapore have witnessed economic, political, and cultural changes over the years, especially after periods of colonization. States control their urban fabric-that is, its organization, planning, and design of cities-and thus dictate the flow of capital and forces of labor. Urban poor settlements, an offshoot of capital accumulation, are (re)moved around these cities in accordance with governing visions of development. For populations that are forced into changes brought about by urban development, practices of remembering are also controlled by dominant powers. These "monuments" are established in/as spaces to oblige an image of membership into a society ruled by such powers. Nevertheless, alternate sites of remembering counter these monumental spaces. This paper takes an interest in two novels that feature such places. Liwayway Arceo's Canal de la Reina (1972) and Suchen Christine Lim's The River's Song (2013) both figure rivers in Manila and Singapore, respectively. The eponymous river is the central axis of Canal de la Reina, entangled in class conflict and swift urban change in post-Commonwealth Manila. In The River's Song, the famous Singapore River provides a refuge for reminiscing about Singapore before the city-state's independence. Comparing these novels to what Filipino comparatist Ruth Jordana Pison calls fictional "counter-memory," we argue that their rivers remember personal and embodied experiences eliminated from hegemonic accounts of the city. Thus, they function as what we call "counter-monuments" for the urban poor marginalized in the history of the Philippines and Singapore.
From the stages of formation, to the processes of change, the alleys with long history not only reflect on the trends of the area, but also have a historical and cultural value as a place where the local residents make living and socialize. However, due to the rapid growth of the city's civilization, and industrialization, there has been a great amount of loss in the roles of the rural areas while urban areas have been expanding over time. The rural areas including the old alleys have been neglected and fell far behind in the processes of growth overall, and therefore, it became harder to trace the old days as well as the old emotion that we used to see. Nowadays, there are various cases in terms of alley regeneration project as people are getting more interested in it. The alley regeneration projects can be divided into two different backgrounds; a part of urban regeneration project by the government and local organizations and the other developed by the trends. This research, with successful case studies, is for analyzing the direction of the ultimate goal and the identity that only the alleys have. As the alleys contain history, tradition and culture of the community, we need to not only preserve but also maintain all of these since it will affect the goal and the establishment of identity of the alley regeneration projects as a significant factor. In addition, in order to attract visitors from diverse cultures, providing cultural or artistic experiences and aesthetic landscapes will be importantly considered as an additional factor for the research. In other words, through this research, I would like to demonstrate that it is the most important for the alleys fell far behind to establish its identity for continuous successful eyre generation projects, which are not temporary.
This study aims at examining the change of the urban space of the original Masan Area during the Japanese-forced colonial era of Korea(1910-1945) after circa 1912. That year is very important because the modern map of land was introduced. The land area of the original Masan was about $17,000m^2$ composed of small houses and shops. Colonial era could be divided into 3 periods according to the change of colonial policies. And the change of the urban space is examined according to these 3 periods. During the 1st period(1911-1920) the following 3 development occurred. 1. Land was reclaimed along the coast line by a Japanese civilian named 'Bakgan'. And his ownership of land continued until 1945. 2. A government ware house(Cho-Chang), which was the symbol of Masan harbor, was demolished and the land was divided into small lots. 3. Main artery and trunk roads(14-15m wide) were built replacing 2-3m wide narrow roads and connected to the reclamation land. During the 2nd period(1921-1930), also land reclamation and road making was more frequently carried out. And the infrastructure of the city was developed gradually. Also public buildings began to be built. Modern roads were constructed city-wide not only in the center of the city. In the 3rd period reclamation was at its peak. Especially Sinpo-Dong area located at the middle of New and original parts of Masan was reclaimed connecting 2 parts and making of a central Masan. During that time original Masan was enlarged because of reclamation. The coast line of Masan became straight from e original organic shape. Roads were constructed in the outskirts also. The size of land lots were more or less the same during the colonial era. But gradually lots were divided into smaller lots. Japanese entrepreneurs gradually occupied the central area of the original Masan until the liberation day. But Chinese ownership of land gradually diminished.
The reality which cannot protect existing tangible intangible modern cultural heritage in Daejeon is makes historical value and identity of a city weakened and then, this leads to absence of the foundation of urban regeneration based on the history. References as recording inheritance indicates characteristics or identity of the area and they represent the physical mental symbol of the area; images of diverse structures or sceneries with historical or cultural characteristics are contents of urban regeneration based on history and culture, which can be utilized as historical sources to verify realness of disappearing modern cultural heritage. Therefore, understanding and utilization of modern cultural heritage through this study on regional archiving can be deemed to be the first stage to bring community spirit, affection and pride to local residents. In this connection, this study intends to suggest a policy direction not only to maintain realness of modern cultural heritage through preservation and utilization but also to expect formation of settling and fellowship as well as cultural economical effect from the viewpoint of urban regeneration.
The purpose of this study is to understand modernization process of korean housing during the past one century. To following up the changes of everyday lives of common peoples, magazines, news papers, tourist's records and gossip items were collected and interpreted from the microscopic point of view. In this study arguments on 'modernity' of korean housing was focused on some issues, thus, separation, differentiation, individualization, as well as privatization. Concrete discourses are; firstly, spatial isolation of housing and urban place each other, secondly, functional division of inner spaces of housing, and lastly, guarantee of privacy sphere. Historical changes of housing showed some meaningful phenomena. Before modernization housing was place of reproduction and consume at the same time. However after modern urban space came into existence and work and rest were separated, housing gained only mono function. Thus, housing have only one meaning as private place for nuclear family, that is "Home, Sweet Home." Instead of past multi-functional rooms, functional prescribed rooms, for example, dinning room, were newly born. In the past, the boundary between public and private sphere was not clear. For examples, everyday experiences of family were extended to the street and in the house in most cases spaces were shared. But after modernization the scale of individual spaces become larger and private life can be secured. Consequently, history of everyday life from traditional agricultural society to industrialized modern society demonstrates the structural context between the micro and macro dimension in the fields of human life. In other words, everyday lives and macro history response each other and create new perception of time-space structure in the modern housing.
The history of GIS in Japan have been started from the Mesh-data at 1969 and the UIS (Urban Information System) at the early 1970's, and recently we can find the tenn of GIS in many fields and places in Japan. Specially after the Earthquake disaster of Kobe, the importance of the Emergency Management System and the Spatial Data Framework have been growing quickly and the studies and projects of GIS have been increased more and more. I hope that the study about the history and the recent situation of GIS in Japan can show the right way for many GIS projects in our country and so we can be escaped from the amusement of time and money, because the land Regulation System and the Concept of Land Ownership of Japan are very similar to those of Korea. For that purpose, first, I try to trace the history and the present situation of GIS, UIS, FM/AM and Spatial Database Framework in Japan, second, to identify the advantages and disadvantages and problems of Japanese system and finally to suggest more propper way for the GIS projects in Korea.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
/
v.22
no.2
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pp.1-8
/
2020
This study is intended to derive the adaptive reuse techniques through the history and aspects of new construction, extension, repair, and other works, limited to the deep and narrow lots facing Seongan-gil and Nammun-gil in Nammun-ro 2 ga of Cheongju, the historic urban area. The results are as follows. 1) In the case of newly built reinforced concrete buildings, the central part of the top floor of the residence or all floors are opened to the open space(void) to facilitate lighting and ventilation. This is developed as a convection phenomenon due to the temperature difference from the slits between buildings, which affects the entire air flow of the block. 2) The buildings of extension and repair are composed of two-story masonry or steel frame, both the front store facing the road and the house on the back, but it looks like one because it is in contact with each other. If only a small gap between the front and rear buildings is restored to an external space or a space equipped with sun light, a small breath can be provided in lighting and ventilation. 3) The existing two-story wooden stores and houses have lost their external space due to repairs. With minimal intervention to restore the small courtyard, slits, and space under the eaves, it will not only improve lighting and ventilation, but also create a unique appearance as a segment of the elongated store.
Right before the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1937-1954), the Great Eastern Broadcasting Station (GEBS) was established in Shanghai under the aegis of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan (MOFA). Prior to the launching of the GEBS, Japan had not owned similar radio stations in China for years. As a result, the Embassy of Japan in China held rounds of discussions on the plan and Japanese governments, ranging from the MOFA, the Navy, the Army, the Ministry of Communications (MOC), and NHK-Japan Broadcasting Corporation (Nihon Hoso Kyoku) provided financial, technological, and equipment support. In the mid-1930s when the Sino-Japanese relations became intensified, the GEBS assumed the primary role of disseminating government policies to over 30,000 Japanese expatriates in Shanghai to make sure that they could remain settled while supporting military endeavors of the Japanese army once the war between China and Japanese broke out. After 1937, the GEBS became an essential propaganda tool to advance imperial policies of Japan. Although the station differed from the Army-controlled Greater Shanghai Broadcasting Station (Dai Shanhai Hoso Kyoku) in many aspects, it was in line with the latter in terms of advancing wartime ideology of the Japanese empire. As the Japanese-occupied areas were enlarged, target audience of the GEBS also expanded to Chinese people and foreign nationals when Japanese, English, Russian, and Shanghai-dialect news was broadcast by the station. Suffice it to say that the GEBS was closely related to wartime propaganda of the Japanese imperial expansion.
This paper aims to examine from various perspectives how domestic research studies and projects related to climate change have been conducted to mark the 60th anniversary of the Korean Meteorological Society (KMS). The 『50-year History of the Korean Meteorological Society』, published more than a decade ago, has never dealt with the history of development of individual fields of meteorology such as climate change. Therefore, it is of significance to look at the history of research activities and studies achieved by KMS members in the area of climate change over the past 60 years. The research on climate change in KMS is classified by era from the beginning to the latest and the contents are examined by major research projects at that time. During the past 60 years, climatological research in KMS has been mainly focused on general climate, synoptic climate, and applied climate (urban climate) until the 2000s. However, since the 1990s, climate change has become an important area for climate research. The 2000s are the beginning era of climate change research, since the major projects and researches for climate change has begun in the period. The 2010s can be a time when climate change prediction and monitoring are expanded and refined to meet the rapidly increasing demands for climate information from a wide range of areas. We concluded that the development of the research capabilities of the society over the past 60 years, in particular in the past two decades, in the field of climate change research is remarkable.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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v.41
no.4
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pp.85-101
/
2013
The primary goal of this research is to link two currently disconnected literature; the history of urban redevelopment and the one of urban parks and open spaces in the United States (US). Through this exercise, this study attempts to reveal examples of urban parks and open spaces that have yielded economic effects, and emphasize their possibility as a measure of urban redevelopment. Five phases are presented, starting with two Pre-World War II urbanization periods, and three subsequent periods of Post-World War II urban redevelopment (1940s~1960s, late 1960s~1970s, 1980s~present). While urban parks in the 19th century urbanization period held a preeminent place in urban design, policy and economy, ensuing depression and World War II diminished their role as a channel to ease unemployment. In the first phase of urban redevelopment, the economic motive to build open space was to boost the appeal of specific locales in order to draw people and businesses back to a neglected city. In the second phase, public effort to create and maintain urban parks and open spaces declined due to the budget austerity, instead, community open spaces flourished through the voluntary actions and helped neighborhoods to regain desirability. In the third phase, the aspirations and functions of such projects resemble their forerunners of the first phase, but their targets extended to global businesses and elites.
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