• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.89-130
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• 2018

본 논문은 '미중관계의 전개와 현안문제 및 시사점을 분석하기 위한 것이다. 초기 및 적대적 대결기의 미중관계, 미중접근 관계정상화기 및 1980~90년대 미중관계, G2시대 개막후 2010년대 중반까지의 미중관계, 트럼프-시진핑시대의 미중관계와 주요현안과 시사점을 살펴본 후 결론을 도출해본 것이다. 지난 30여 년간의 중국의 급속한 성장은 기존의 미국중심의 단극적 국제질서를 변화시키며 양국간의 경쟁을 촉발시키고 있다. 미국과 중국은 전략 경제대화'를 정기적으로 개최하는 유일한 국가가 되었고, 주제 역시 양자간의 관계뿐만 아니라 글로벌 이슈까지 논의하는 나라로 발전해왔다. 미중협력 갈등의 현안문제는 양국관계는 물론 글로벌 이슈를 망라하고 있다. 예컨대 남중국해, 북핵과 사드, 통상 금융질서, 대만문제 등이 바로 그것이다. 미중갈등은 남의 일이 아니라 한국의 외교 안보 경제에도 직결되는 문제이다. 우리는 미중관계에 있어서 '코리아 패싱(Korea passing)'이 나오지 않도록 튼튼한 한 미 안보공조관계를 유지 강화해 나가는 한편, 한 중 경제협력관계도 조화롭게 추진해 나가는 헤징전략이 요구된다.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제18권10호
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• pp.95-105
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• 2020

본 연구에서 다루게 될 홍콩문제란 1997년 7월 1일 홍콩의 중국 반환 이후 중국 정부가 홍콩에 대해 취한 여러 가지 조치와 정책들과 이에 대해 홍콩인들이 보여주었던 저항과 반발로 인해 발생한 문제들을 말한다. 중국 정부는 반환 이후 홍콩에 대한 직접적 지배를 강화하는 정책을 전개했고, 2020년 6월 30일 중국 전국인민대표대회 상무위원회는 홍콩국가보안법(이하 '홍콩보안법')을 통과시켰다. 본 연구는 홍콩문제가 양안관계에 미칠 영향을 중점적으로 살펴볼 예정이다. 이를 통해 '일국양제' 정책의 적용문제, 양안의 통일문제, 그리고 홍콩의 민주화 문제 등을 함께 살펴볼 것이다. 본 연구는 '홍콩보안법' 통과 이후 중국이 대만과의 통일에 적용하려고 했던 '일국양제' 원칙은 큰 시험대에 들것이고, 양안관계와 미·중 관계가 매우 악화될 것으로 전망한다. 향후 동북아 지역을 중심으로 긴장관계가 빠르게 조성될 것이며, 이에 대해 우리도 다각적으로 분석하고 대비해야 할 것이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권33호
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• pp.113-147
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• 2014

While China's military rise is an issue of growing importance to regional security, it is worthwhile to note that it is not China's military modernization per se, but its capacity to project and sustain power along and beyond its borders--in particular, the possibility to resolve forcefully its outstanding maritime disputes and various contingencies. This essay argues that China's "anti-access capability"--a U.S.-coined term originally developed for a Taiwan contingency--is equally applicable to other major regional cases such as the Spratly disputes and a North Korean contingency. Furthermore, notwithstanding China's continuos efforts to develop and deploy various types and classes of weapons/platforms, it is the Russian systems and technologies that are most capable and thus likely assigned to the highest mission-critical areas. In assessing China's current and likely future military capability as well as their implications for the region, it is necessary to take note of the following: • There exists asymmetry of military capability between China and its weaker neighbors. While the PLAN is weak in several important aspects, for instance, many of its neighbors' navies are weaker still. • Some have argued that China's foreign policy behavior apparently became more "assertive" in 2009-2013, but it is wiser to keep in mind that China has almost always been assertive and aggressive when it comes to what China defines as "sovereignty and territorial issues" as well as its newest "core interests." • On the South China Sea disputes it is the function of U.S. presence in the theater--in the form of overseas bases and the freedom of navigation--and the PLA's own limitations to project and sustain power for an extended period of time that have largely prevented armed. • While Taiwan remains the idee fixe of China's diplomacy and military, it is and will be a tough nut to crack. China's recent creeping attempts for economic integration with Taiwan should be seen in this context. • China and Japan, the two regional heavyweights and traditional rivals, will likely have a bilateral relationship that is replete with difficulties and tension. China's unilateral announcement of its ADIZ in November 2013 as well as the occasional yet persistent disputes with Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyudao/Diaoyutai islands are only the latest manifestation of this deeper and difficult relationship. • For Korean security it is imperative to take into account the geostrategic and historical factors. On top of the existing military threats from North Korea, the ROK should be able to employ a) hedging strategy, b) "limited defense sufficiency" strategy, and c) rock-solid relations with the United States.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.107-133
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• 2009

에너지 자원 확보 경쟁은 21세기 국제관계의 핵심적 추세의 하나다. 중국 경제발전의 원동력은 성공적 자원외교의 성과라고 해도 과언이 아니다. 1990년대 이후 중국의 에너지 수입 외교는 두 가지 행위 패턴을 보여주고 있다. 중앙아시아에 대한 자원 외교가 공동개발을 중심으로 한 다자주의적 접근방식이라면, 아프리카 지역에 대해서는 국가별 경제지원을 통한 양자주의적 행위패턴이다. 이 글에서는 지역에 따라 다르게 전개되어 온 중국 자원외교의 특징을 지역적 안보 민감성, 지정학적 고려, 그리고 비동맹외교 이후 축적되어 왔던 중국의 외교적 유산 등의 세 가지 측면에서 설명하였다.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권8호
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• pp.169-238
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• 2010

The year 2010 is the 60th anniversary commemorating the Korean War. China intervened in the Korean War with the logics such as "To Resist the U.S.'s Aggression and Aid North Korea," "Save Endangered Home & defend Nation," and "If the Lips Are Gone, the Teeth Will Be Exposed to the Cold or If One of Them Falls, the Other is in Danger." However, China had a deep and long connection with North Korea through 1st Chinese Civil War, war against Japan imperialism, and 2nd Chinese Civil War. China has consulted with Kim Il-sung on his invasion of South Korea at the initial stage of development and played a casting vote role in the execution of the invasion plan. During the Korean War, the PLA supported the North Korea's regime by its action, and made the Korea Peninsula divide into two semi-permanently. Even after the war, China continues to maintain relations with North Korea by helping North Korea build the Kim Il-sung's Kingdom. Currently, whenever any issue related to North Korea rises in the international society, China definitely gets involved in those issues and exercises its power. Conditionally 'either armed aggression or, and wartime' in North Korea, China would follow the "Clause of Military Auto Intervention." In addition, China is very likely to establish refugee camps for North Koreans in the Northeastern-Three-Province and to provide rear bases or guerrilla camps for pro-Chinese sects. Furthermore, voluntarily playing a role as spokesman of North Korean Regime in the international society, China will exercise enormous influence on the reunification of the Korean Peninsula.

• Strategy21
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• 통권38호
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• pp.250-286
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• 2015

The main purpose of this article is to provide an understanding on current maritime issues in the Northeast Asia, and thereby help formulating the right strategy for our national security. The article summarizes core arguments in the recently published 『The 21^st Century Maritime Strategies in the Northeast Asia: Dilemma between Competition and Cooperation』. It will help readers to comprehend historical backgrounds as well as recent updates related to maritime issues and strategies in the region. Also, readers may find guidance to conceive their own maritime strategies for the Republic of Korea. Currently, the U.S. is shifting its focus from Atlantic to Pacific, and increasing its naval presence in Asia-Pacific region. Meanwhile, the 21^st century China views the maritime interests as the top priority in its national security and prosperity. PLA Navy's offensive maritime strategies and naval building such as aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines are unprecedented. Japan is another naval power in the region. During the Cold War JMSDF faithfully fulfilled the mission of deterring Soviet navy, and now it is doing its job against China. Lastly, Putin has been emphasizing to build the strong Russia since 2000, and putting further efforts to reinforce current naval capabilities of Pacific Fleet. The keyword in the naval and maritime relations among these powers can be summarized with "competition and cooperation." The recent security developments in the South China Sea(SCS) clearly represent each state's strategic motivations and movements. China shows clear and strong intention to nationalize the islands in SCS by building artificial facilities - possibly military purpose. Obviously, the U.S. strongly opposes China by insisting the freedom of navigation(FON) in international waters as recent USS-Lassen's FON operation indicate. The conflict between China and the U.S. surrounding the SCS seems to be heading towards climax as Russia and Japan are searching for their own national interests within the conflict. Also, the neighboring small and middle powers are calculating their own economic and security interests. This is no exception for us in establishing timely strategies to maximize our own national security. Hopefully, this article leads the readers to the right direction.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.161-168
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• 2023

최근 중국과 대만관계가 위기를 맞으며 미중관계 및 동북아 지역 구도도 크게 흔들리고 있기에 우리는 양안관계의 변화에 주목해야 한다. 이 연구는 제20차 당대회의 '정치 보고'와 지도부 인사에 대한 내용 분석을 중심으로 시진핑의 대만정책을 분석함으로써 양안관계가 당대회 이후 어떻게 변화할 것인지 전망하고자 한다. 연구결과는 다음과같다. 첫째, 당대회 폐막 후 발표한 당헌 수정안에 무력침공의 가능성을 명기했듯이, 시진핑은 통일에 방점을 둔 강경한 대만정책을 펼칠 것이다. 둘째, '정치 보고'의 제2장, 11장, 13장, 14장 내용과 외교·안보 지도부 인사를 분석할 때 향후 미국과의 전략적 경쟁은 계속 심화될 것이다. 이에 따라 양안관계도 상당 기간 불안정성을 보일 것으로 예상된다. 셋째, 대만이 '일국양제'라는 통일방안을 거부하고 탈중국화 경향이 강화되고 있는 상황에서 앞으로 기존의 '반국가분열법'을 세부적으로 강화하는 법제화나 구체적인 시행령이 제정될 가능성이 있다. 넷째, 대만문제에 간섭하는 외부세력과 대만독립 세력에게는 강경한 대응을 할 것이고, 통일에 우호적인 국민당과 대만인들에게는 유인책을 구사하는 등 강온 양면전략이 함께 구사될 것으로 전망된다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권39호
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• pp.5-46
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• 2016

North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

• 영어영문학
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• 제54권4호
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• pp.579-597
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• 2008

This article discusses David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly as a suggestive text for examining Western masculinity in crisis in the post-imperialist age, in which territorial imperialism is no longer valid. Previous scholarship on M. Butterfly has centered around the interlocking dynamics of imperialism, racism and sexism. Such critical attentions focus on how Hwang deconstructs racialized significations of the East and the West. In these discussions, the issue of gender is often addressed merely as a trope to represent the power relations between the East and the West. As such, gender as well as sexuality is highlighted as the very source of subversion of the power relations. My discussion departs from a critique of the gendered trope of the East and the West, highlighting a postmodern agent, the allegedly feminized character Song Lining: a Chinese actor who passes for a woman for political purposes in postcolonial China. Remaining an "inappropriate/d other" in the gendered imperialist discourse, Song becomes an emergent subject, who is capable of playing gender ambiguity for reclaiming a devalued identity, that of homosexual Asian man. Discussing how the central character Rene Gallimard's masculine identity is constructed in a cross-cultural space and how it evolves, I also argue that Gallimard's melancholic death signifies a historical unsustainability of imperialist masculinity in the postmodern/postcolonial age since World War II.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.101-110
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• 2020

3차 남북 정상회담과 평양 남북정상회담, 싱가폴과 하노이에서 열린 북미 정상회담 이후, 한반도의 운명을 좌우할 비핵화 협상이 진행되고 있다. 하지만 비핵화 조건을 둘러싸고 북미간 입장이 충돌하며 협상은 교착국면에 빠져있으며 다소 회의적인 전망이 예견되고 있는 상황이다. 북한의 완전한 비핵화 실현이 어려운 이유는 동북아의 전통적인 안보딜레마와 미중간 패권경쟁, 신냉전체제의 형성 등 다양한 변수들이 상존하기 때문이다. 지난 2018년 평창 동계올림픽을 계기로 3차례의 남북 정상회담과 3차례의 북미 정상회담이 개최된 전환기적 시점에 북한의 완전한 비핵화는 한반도를 넘어 동북아와 세계평화를 위해 반드시 이루어내야 할 역사적 과제가 되었다. 그런 의미에서 평양 남북정상회담은 '9.19 평양공동선언'과 '군사분야 합의서'를 통해 북한비핵화와 남북관계 발전을 위한 새로운 이정표를 제시해 준 역사적 계기로 평가된다. 한편 국제정치이론의 주요 패러다임으로 자리잡은 구성주의(Constructivism)는 이념과 역사, 문화 등의 관념적 변수가 물질적 요인, 국가행위자의 정체성과 이익을 규정하며 국제관계의 구조가 상호작용을 통해 변화될 수 있다는 관점을 제시한다. 본 연구에서는 이제 1주년을 넘긴 9.19 평양공동선언의 역사적 의미를 구성주의적 관점에서 고찰하였다. 이를 위해 구성주의 이론의 발전과정과 분석모델, 남북관계의 발전과정을 간략히 살펴보았고, 9.19 군사합의서의 군사적 함의를 제시하였다.