• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.45-76
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to examine Toegye(退溪 李滉, 1501~1570)'s interpretation of Chungyong(中庸) who led the completion of the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$-style acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. This paper is focused on revealing the way that how he understood it according to the system of Neo-Confucianism that was proposed by Chu Hsi, rather than revealing the unique perspective of Toegye. I have the following configuration in this paper. First, I have set two directions of research for understanding of Chungyong, these were derived through the work that is an overview of cases of interpretation of Chungyong of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$. 1) How to understand the overall structure of Chungyong? 2) How to understand key concepts of Chungyong? Next, basing on these directions of research, I analyzed Toegye's interpretation of Chungyong. To grasp the structure of the whole, Toegye followed the segmentation system and structure of Chungyong changgu: Commentary on the Doctrine of the Mean, and to understand key concepts of Chungyong, he conducted in collaboration with concepts of Neo-Confucianism. Concretely, I analyze his work : Chungyong $suk{\breve{u}}i$(中庸釋義) and Chungyong $jil{\breve{u}}i$(中庸質疑) for asserting that he accepted the segmentation system and structure of Chungyong changgu. And I analyze his documents: letters to and from his disciples. This analysis focus on concepts of Chungyong for asserting that his understanding is in the context of Chu Hsi and other Neo-Confucian scholars's commentary. Toegye tried to reduce the diversity of interpretation and present one meaning.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.5
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• pp.67-89
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• 1978

This study is the third partial study of the 'A Bibliographical Study of the Toegye.' The contents of the study is divided into three chapters as following : In the first chapter, the authorship of Hsin-ching-fu-chu(心經附註) is described Hsin-ching(心經) was edited by Chen-Te-Hsiu(眞德秀), a scholar of the Sung Dynasty (1178-1235A.D.). He selected several articles on Hsin Study(心學) from classics of ancient China, with the view of spreading of Hsin thought of ancestor. Hsin-ching-fu-chu is an annotated work of Hsin-ching, which was edited by $Ch'\^{e}ng-Min-Ch\^{e}ng$(程敏政). $Ch'\^{e}ng-Min-Ch\^{e}ng$ was a scholar of the Ming Dynasty (died 1499 A.D). His annotation of Hsin-ching was according to the edition of Tuan-Ping (端平) 1st (1234 A.D.). Hsin-ching-fu-chu which was first published in 1492 A.D., by his student, named Wang-Tsu(汪祚). In the second chapter, the editions of Hsin-ching-fu-chu which was published in Korea before 1566 A.D., when Toe-gye's postscript was written, are described. In Korea, three editions were published. The first was published before 1523 A.D. in, kwang-ju(光州), by the wooden plate block. The second was published ca 1564 A.D. in Pyeong-yang(平壤), by the wooden plate, too. These two editions have remained. The last was published ca 1564 A.D., in Hae-ju(海州), but the method of printing couldn't be found out because I have not been able to get the book itself and records on the printing. In the last chapter, facts on Hsin-ching-fu-chu related to Toegye are described. Toegye found Kwang-ju edition of Hsin-ching-fu-chu in 1533 A.D., at Seong-gyun-gwan(成均館) in Seoul. He acquired the book from his friend. He read and studied very hard and remembered all the text. Also, he taught the Hsin-ching-fu-chu to his pupils and guided the reading of Hsin-ching-fu-chu to his followers and student. He read many proof sheets of the new publication of Hsin-ching-fy-chu, correcting then on detail and making notes on them.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.9-33
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• 2014

This paper aims to look into text of Toegye Lee Hwang's poem Cheongryangsan (Mt. Cheongryang). For that, the poetic aspects of experiences in staying in mountains presented in the poem were classified into materialistic aspect, a method of subject proposal, subject recognition and orientation to examine such aspects, and their respective meanings and limits were considered. First, from the materialistic aspect, the poem about Mt. Cheongryang can be divided into a case of materializing acts in Mt. Cheongryang and a case of materializing an individual scenery of Mt. Cheongryang itself. Second, from an aspect of methods of subject proposal, the poem can be divided into a case in which the space of Mt. Cheongryang is proposed syntagmatically and abstractly and a case in which each scenery is proposed by it being divided partially. Third, from an aspect of subject recognition and orientation, in case Mt. Cheongryang is realized as a solitary space separated far from the world, poetic self aims at reflection. However, in case Mt. Cheongryang is realized as a space for staying with friends and disciples, poetic self aims at communication. The above-mentioned difference is caused by the fact that Toegye had such an experience in Mt. Cheongryang twice at the interval of 10 years. This study is significant in that it intensively looked into Toegye' experience in Mountains and the poetic text which have not been studied and that Toegye's recognition and orientation of a space were discriminatively revealed.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.147-170
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• 2014

To divide by the concept of Cheon (天) before and after the period of Song Dynasty: before Song Dynasty; according to the ancient Book of Odes (Sigyeong-詩經), "Cheon (天) gives birth to a large number of people", and, Confucius(孔子) say "Cheon(天) gave me Virtue(德)." Mencius(孟子) say "The person done with all his heart knows Seong(性, personality), so if he knows such Seong(性, personality), then he knows Cheon(天)." In Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), it says "Cheon(天) ordered it to be called - Seong(性, personality)." So, Cheon(天) had a religious meaning, such as Sangje(上帝) - Supreme Ruler. During the Song period, Cheon(天), the source of its existence, had construed as Mugeuk i Taegeuk Non(無極而太極論 - Theory of Supreme Ultimate while being Indeterminate) and Theory of li and ki (iginon-理氣論). Juja (朱子, a honorary name of Juhui, 朱熹) had said a reasonable Cheon(天), that is, Heavenly Principle (天理 - Cheolli) by interpreting Cheon(天) as Taegeuk(太極 - Supreme Polarity) and li(理) of Muwi(無爲 - uncontrived action). That's why Juja had lost the religiosity because of his reasonable frame. The purpose of this dissertation is to identify of the quality of being religious of li(理) on the basis of attribute of Cheon(天) argued by Toegye and Juja. In the text of Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription), we can see their interpretation of the content that Toegye as "西銘考證講義"(Lecture on Historical Research of Western Inscription), and Juja as "西銘解"(Commentary on the Western Inscription). Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription) was expounded as a logic of 'iil bunsu' (理一分殊 - coherence is one and distinguished into many). '理一分殊' means to live in as meaningful as possible according to the human nature that has been bestowed upon thyself. Juja and Toegye both said that in the aspect of 'iil'(理一 - coherence is one), Reverence(事天) ought to be done, but to look into the aspect of 'bunsu'(分殊-distinguished into many), Juja argued that people should follow the order of Heavenly Principle(天理 - Cheolli), and Toegye argued that people should have to perform the filial piety(孝). There are differences in methods of Toegye and Juja on account of distinction between attributes of Cheon(天). Such a distinction affects the attribute of li(理). Juja said divisively that Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) is li(理), and Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is Sa(事-divine project). Toegye argued that Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is indeed li(理). It is the position of Toegye that to know Seong(性-the personality) of Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is the first, rather than to know Cheon(天) of Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) that is out of reach in a faraway place. Seong(性-the personality) is li(理) that bestowed by Cheon(天). In view of discussion about the essence and existence, for Toegye, the existence is the first, rather than the essence. The issues of existence is now enabled to talk about amid the discussion of metaphysics, namely li(理). Different from Juja, a theory noticed in Toegye is the theory of 'Lijado'(理自到). 'Lijado'(理自到) denotes 'Li(理) leads on their own.' It tells that separate from thing-in-itself, there is an energy that moves and oversees the thing. This is an issue of response between "I" as the principal agent and other people. If "I" as the principal agent is sincere to others, the others will come to me insomuch as they will be revealed through me. Here, a problem between the host and guest arises. Toegye perceived this problem that do not see me and others as same, and also do not see me and others as two. This is the logic of 'ilii iiil'(一而二 二而一 - looks like one but two, looks like two but one) of '理一分殊' (coherence is one and distinguished into many). The first thing to do between these two processes is to recognize the existence of 'iil'(理一). Toegye strongly displays a religious attitude identifying Cheon(天)=Li (理)=Sangje(上帝- Supreme Ruler) in the same light.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Educational Facilities
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.101-112
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• 2005

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.95-95
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• 1993

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.9-37
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• 2014

This article is to review academic aspects of Iljae Lee Hang through Toegye Lee Hwang's comments. Iljae Lee Hang (一齋 李恒: 1499~1576) is a representative Neo-Confucian scholar in Honam area in 16th century. His Sung Confucianism was known to Toegye Lee Hwang by Gobong Gi Dae Seung and consequentially received attention from academic world. Lee Hang's Sung Confucianism, however, has hardly drawn attention since 17th century due to Lee Hwang's negative assessment. Impeaching Lee Hang's academic attitude and methods, Lee Hwang evaluated him as having many problems. Lee Hwang criticized that Lee Hang studied Neo-Confucianism with no great effort and he was so much confident to say 'Logic of the world does not deviate from this' based on Chengzi and Zhuzi's saying which was only appealing to his ideas. Lee Hang actually cited theories of Chengzi and Zhuzi and stressed self-complacency when necessary, which therefore made him fail to exhibit consistency. Iljae partly brought Lee Hwang's criticism upon himself. Lee Hwang's negative assessment is not to be literally accepted but his assessment is helpful indeed to critically examine Lee Hang's Neo-Confucianism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.229-264
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• 2009

This paper aims for a study on the theory that mind is Li(principle). The method of research is laid emphasis on searching for the historical development of the perception Theory in late Cho-Sun. First of all, I investigated a meaning of the perception theories of Ho-Rak school, that were criticized in the Cho-Sun academic world. The next, I investigated the theory of Li-ju-Ki-ja that was raised by Yi Sang Jung. He thought that Li is supervisor and Ki is assistance. And he put a construction on the Perception Theories of Toegye school. Yi Jin sang's theory of perception is the result of criticism against Ho-Rak school, and a fresh and in-depth construction of Yi Sang Jung's perception theory. His viewpoint was contradiction to the theory of Sim si Ki(the theory that Mind is made of Ki). And he rediscovered the human conscience that was born endowed from Heaven.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.287-312
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• 2018

Confucianism which pursues the right relationship between person and person, depicts the ideal that moral individuals contribute to community development. In the 16th century, Toegye Yi Hwang, the authority of Korean Confucianism, reflected his educational intentions and interests and made the whole of the body of Confucianism and the whole process of the study into a series of 10 paintings 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning'. The purpose of the education which is claimed in the 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning' is to become a saint, and it ultimately coincides with the purpose of moral education which is to be introspective and practical moral man. The whole theme of 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning' is related to revealing the principles of humanity and morality in order to restore human nature on the basis of piety. Piety(敬) is also a purpose and a method of self-discipline, and is the main content. The method of education for traditional confucianism is aiming for the organic integration of purpose, content and method of education and reveals the consistency of the combination of knowledge and behavior in content and method. Exploring the universal value of traditional culture and re-raising moral culture that is important in traditional education is to discuss that what is valid for the present and the future is derived from the past tradition. That may be useful in solving today's educational problems. Especially, it is very meaningful to adopt a reflective approach to cultivate talented people who can 'realize oneself' and 'care for the community' which is the ultimate goal of education through analyzing the essence of moral education pursued by traditional education.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.49-61
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• 2019

This study aims to examine the spatial recognition of the characters who visited Anuisamdong(安義三洞) in the past and left it in the literature. Thus, the school's relationship between people identified in the relevant literature was analyzed and the elements of landscape were extracted. The results were as follows; First, The figures who authored the literature on Anuisamdong were related to scholars living in Anuihyun(安義縣), along with the Yeongnam confucian genealogy. Starting with Jung, Yeo-Chang(鄭汝昌) in the 15th century, a relationship centered on Nammyeong School(南溟學派) in the 16th century was formed. At that time, people had toured the Anuisamdong regardless of the academic background. In the 17th century, Nammyeong School were in conflict with Toegye School(退溪學派), so Toegye School's influence had no record. In the 18th century, the proportion of Nammyeong School, Toegye School, and Kiho School(畿湖學派) appeared similar as they evolved into the Yeongnam School(嶺南學派). After the 19th century, the proportion of patriots who participated in the anti-Japanese movement was higher than that of schools. Second, The main places used in the literature related to Anuisamdongwere the order of Wonhakdong(猿鶴洞), Hwrimdong(花林洞) and Simjindong(尋眞洞). There are a total of 21 major elements used for the related literature, of which Suseungdae Rock(搜勝臺), Morijae House(某里齋), Nongwaljeong Pavilion(弄月亭), Sasundae Rock(四仙臺) and Cheoksuam Rock(滌愁巖) were the main subjects. Elements of Wonhakdong have been in the spotlight since the 16th century, focusing on Suseungdae Rock. Although the elements of Hwarimdong have been increasing gradually since the 18th century, the ratio of Simjindong to Wonhakdong and Hwarimdong was relatively small. Third, The relationship between the figures who visited the Anuisamdong and the spatial recognition of the Anuisamdong was divided into landscape awareness, emotional awareness and symbolic recognition. The Anuisamdong's scenic view is mostly identified by its description of the waterscape and topographical landscape, which people may have perceived as a scenic site centered on the valley view at the time. The mutual influence of Nammyeong School and Toegye School in the 16th and 17th centuries led to a scene in which the major figures of each school recognized pleasure as a culture of training, and a feeling of longing for the traces of past ancestors as the 18th century travel culture and the 19th century chaotic situation. In addition, the symbolic expression that usually appears is likely to have been recognized as a unworldly place, as the location of the immortal world is confirmed.