• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.45-76
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to examine Toegye(退溪 李滉, 1501~1570)'s interpretation of Chungyong(中庸) who led the completion of the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$-style acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. This paper is focused on revealing the way that how he understood it according to the system of Neo-Confucianism that was proposed by Chu Hsi, rather than revealing the unique perspective of Toegye. I have the following configuration in this paper. First, I have set two directions of research for understanding of Chungyong, these were derived through the work that is an overview of cases of interpretation of Chungyong of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$. 1) How to understand the overall structure of Chungyong? 2) How to understand key concepts of Chungyong? Next, basing on these directions of research, I analyzed Toegye's interpretation of Chungyong. To grasp the structure of the whole, Toegye followed the segmentation system and structure of Chungyong changgu: Commentary on the Doctrine of the Mean, and to understand key concepts of Chungyong, he conducted in collaboration with concepts of Neo-Confucianism. Concretely, I analyze his work : Chungyong $suk{\breve{u}}i$(中庸釋義) and Chungyong $jil{\breve{u}}i$(中庸質疑) for asserting that he accepted the segmentation system and structure of Chungyong changgu. And I analyze his documents: letters to and from his disciples. This analysis focus on concepts of Chungyong for asserting that his understanding is in the context of Chu Hsi and other Neo-Confucian scholars's commentary. Toegye tried to reduce the diversity of interpretation and present one meaning.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

Toegye and Yulgok both tried to obtain the extent of goodness from the emotion they feel in reality. Toegye thought the extent of goodness is being obtained by Li[理], Yulgok thought it by Chi[氣]. But Four Bases[四端] as goodness from Li[理] would possibly threat the human identity, and the emotion of appropriateness as goodness from Chi[氣] doesn't even prove itself that it is appropriate. They explain the problems and answers through Theory of Human Mind?Moral Mind. Toegye explains that Moral Mind is meaningful as it make people identify themselves as moral existence, Yulgok explains Moral Mind is meaningful that it satisfies standard of appropriateness. While Toegye and Yulgok define Moral Mind and Human Mind as emotion of Yi-fa[已發], Chutzu defines Moral Mind and Human Mind as consciousness. and he defines consciousness as 'preparing Li(理) and practicing the emotion'. So according to Chutzu, Moral Mind and Human Mind derives the reaction from the Li(理) in order to respond to the external stimulation. Supervision of mind is completed by consciousness of Moral Mind. It means that mind not limited to Yi-fa[已發]. Then we should think that Toegye and Yulgok's Theory of Human Mind?Moral Mind is something newly resulted from their own philosophic problem. Toegye and Yulgok's Theory of Human Mind?Moral Mind is commonly explaining human mind in experiential aspect, and it will be esteemed as definite and realistic theory of Mind because it emphasizes willingness which motivates an essential activity.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.283-290
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• 2022

Sijo therapy is to overcome depression and establish the authenticity of existence. This study aims to investigate whether the image of Toegye's Sijo fuses the medical and scientific sensory experience with mental reaction. Toegye's Sijo is operated by the principle of activating vitality. The teacher's sijo is to help the principle of creating the authenticity of existence to overcome depression through the sensory experience and mental response of the human body and to change the life of existence now - here. Therefore, this study aims to prove the healing power of the fourth song of Toegye's Sijo . In the future, it is meaningful that the study of Sijo therapy on sensory experience and mental response is provided as a data for the development of programs to help medical student understanding.

• Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.383-392
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• 2010

Armillary sphere, generally known as, not only astronomical instrument for observing astronomical phenomena but also symbolizes the royal authority and royal political ideology which is based on Confucianism. Among the well-reputed Confucian scholars were built their own armillary spheres. However, these armillary spheres which exist are damaged and most of parts of its have been lost. We analyzed and measured the remnants of armillary spheres which were made by Toegye Lee Hwang, Uam Song Si-Yeol and Goedam Bae Sang-Yeol who were well-reputed Confucian scholars in Joseon Dynasty, and have been executed the restorations of Toegye Lee Hwang and Song Si-Yeols armillary sphere based on the drawings which were drawn as the original form by analysis and measurement of its remnants.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.147-170
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• 2014

To divide by the concept of Cheon (天) before and after the period of Song Dynasty: before Song Dynasty; according to the ancient Book of Odes (Sigyeong-詩經), "Cheon (天) gives birth to a large number of people", and, Confucius(孔子) say "Cheon(天) gave me Virtue(德)." Mencius(孟子) say "The person done with all his heart knows Seong(性, personality), so if he knows such Seong(性, personality), then he knows Cheon(天)." In Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), it says "Cheon(天) ordered it to be called - Seong(性, personality)." So, Cheon(天) had a religious meaning, such as Sangje(上帝) - Supreme Ruler. During the Song period, Cheon(天), the source of its existence, had construed as Mugeuk i Taegeuk Non(無極而太極論 - Theory of Supreme Ultimate while being Indeterminate) and Theory of li and ki (iginon-理氣論). Juja (朱子, a honorary name of Juhui, 朱熹) had said a reasonable Cheon(天), that is, Heavenly Principle (天理 - Cheolli) by interpreting Cheon(天) as Taegeuk(太極 - Supreme Polarity) and li(理) of Muwi(無爲 - uncontrived action). That's why Juja had lost the religiosity because of his reasonable frame. The purpose of this dissertation is to identify of the quality of being religious of li(理) on the basis of attribute of Cheon(天) argued by Toegye and Juja. In the text of Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription), we can see their interpretation of the content that Toegye as "西銘考證講義"(Lecture on Historical Research of Western Inscription), and Juja as "西銘解"(Commentary on the Western Inscription). Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription) was expounded as a logic of 'iil bunsu' (理一分殊 - coherence is one and distinguished into many). '理一分殊' means to live in as meaningful as possible according to the human nature that has been bestowed upon thyself. Juja and Toegye both said that in the aspect of 'iil'(理一 - coherence is one), Reverence(事天) ought to be done, but to look into the aspect of 'bunsu'(分殊-distinguished into many), Juja argued that people should follow the order of Heavenly Principle(天理 - Cheolli), and Toegye argued that people should have to perform the filial piety(孝). There are differences in methods of Toegye and Juja on account of distinction between attributes of Cheon(天). Such a distinction affects the attribute of li(理). Juja said divisively that Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) is li(理), and Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is Sa(事-divine project). Toegye argued that Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is indeed li(理). It is the position of Toegye that to know Seong(性-the personality) of Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is the first, rather than to know Cheon(天) of Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) that is out of reach in a faraway place. Seong(性-the personality) is li(理) that bestowed by Cheon(天). In view of discussion about the essence and existence, for Toegye, the existence is the first, rather than the essence. The issues of existence is now enabled to talk about amid the discussion of metaphysics, namely li(理). Different from Juja, a theory noticed in Toegye is the theory of 'Lijado'(理自到). 'Lijado'(理自到) denotes 'Li(理) leads on their own.' It tells that separate from thing-in-itself, there is an energy that moves and oversees the thing. This is an issue of response between "I" as the principal agent and other people. If "I" as the principal agent is sincere to others, the others will come to me insomuch as they will be revealed through me. Here, a problem between the host and guest arises. Toegye perceived this problem that do not see me and others as same, and also do not see me and others as two. This is the logic of 'ilii iiil'(一而二 二而一 - looks like one but two, looks like two but one) of '理一分殊' (coherence is one and distinguished into many). The first thing to do between these two processes is to recognize the existence of 'iil'(理一). Toegye strongly displays a religious attitude identifying Cheon(天)=Li (理)=Sangje(上帝- Supreme Ruler) in the same light.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.113-138
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• 2016

The purpose of this research is to establish the foundation for understanding the appearance of development, inheritance and acceptance of Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪李滉, 1501~1570)'s theory after his life by examining Udam Jeong Sihan(愚潭 丁時翰, 1625~1707)'s view on the Ido-seol(理到說), the Toegye's latter theory. After Toegye, Ido-seol was translated as 'The principle of matters reaches the human mind'. Galam Yi Hyunil(葛庵 李玄逸, 1627~1704), the contemporary scholar with Udam, criticized this translation for applying the directivity and motility to 'Li', the immovable principle. However, Udam agreed with the conventional interpretation of Ido-seol and understood it as the consilience of mind which got the entire principle(體) of 'Li(理)' and contained the application(用) of all things. He extended this concept as the level of 'sameness between objects and self [物我爲一]' based on his former theory, the exquisite interpretation of 'application of Li'. The meaning of 'sameness between objects and self[物我爲一]' is not amalgamation but applepie order of matter's principle in mind. The Udam's viewpoint is differ from Galam who tried to overcome the structural limit of Ido-seol by transforming 'Do(到)', the predicate of 'Ido(理到)', into 'Jin(盡)'. It means that he tried to interpret 'Ido(理到)' on the more essential aspect. His view can be the useful tool for understanding the Toegye's neo-Confucianism system with 'Li(理)' as central figure. It suggested that Udam's theory of the principle and the applecation of 'Li' can be the important theory to investigate the formation of Toegye schools' though and its development.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.9-33
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• 2014

This paper aims to look into text of Toegye Lee Hwang's poem Cheongryangsan (Mt. Cheongryang). For that, the poetic aspects of experiences in staying in mountains presented in the poem were classified into materialistic aspect, a method of subject proposal, subject recognition and orientation to examine such aspects, and their respective meanings and limits were considered. First, from the materialistic aspect, the poem about Mt. Cheongryang can be divided into a case of materializing acts in Mt. Cheongryang and a case of materializing an individual scenery of Mt. Cheongryang itself. Second, from an aspect of methods of subject proposal, the poem can be divided into a case in which the space of Mt. Cheongryang is proposed syntagmatically and abstractly and a case in which each scenery is proposed by it being divided partially. Third, from an aspect of subject recognition and orientation, in case Mt. Cheongryang is realized as a solitary space separated far from the world, poetic self aims at reflection. However, in case Mt. Cheongryang is realized as a space for staying with friends and disciples, poetic self aims at communication. The above-mentioned difference is caused by the fact that Toegye had such an experience in Mt. Cheongryang twice at the interval of 10 years. This study is significant in that it intensively looked into Toegye' experience in Mountains and the poetic text which have not been studied and that Toegye's recognition and orientation of a space were discriminatively revealed.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.5
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• pp.67-89
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• 1978

This study is the third partial study of the 'A Bibliographical Study of the Toegye.' The contents of the study is divided into three chapters as following : In the first chapter, the authorship of Hsin-ching-fu-chu(心經附註) is described Hsin-ching(心經) was edited by Chen-Te-Hsiu(眞德秀), a scholar of the Sung Dynasty (1178-1235A.D.). He selected several articles on Hsin Study(心學) from classics of ancient China, with the view of spreading of Hsin thought of ancestor. Hsin-ching-fu-chu is an annotated work of Hsin-ching, which was edited by $Ch'\^{e}ng-Min-Ch\^{e}ng$(程敏政). $Ch'\^{e}ng-Min-Ch\^{e}ng$ was a scholar of the Ming Dynasty (died 1499 A.D). His annotation of Hsin-ching was according to the edition of Tuan-Ping (端平) 1st (1234 A.D.). Hsin-ching-fu-chu which was first published in 1492 A.D., by his student, named Wang-Tsu(汪祚). In the second chapter, the editions of Hsin-ching-fu-chu which was published in Korea before 1566 A.D., when Toe-gye's postscript was written, are described. In Korea, three editions were published. The first was published before 1523 A.D. in, kwang-ju(光州), by the wooden plate block. The second was published ca 1564 A.D. in Pyeong-yang(平壤), by the wooden plate, too. These two editions have remained. The last was published ca 1564 A.D., in Hae-ju(海州), but the method of printing couldn't be found out because I have not been able to get the book itself and records on the printing. In the last chapter, facts on Hsin-ching-fu-chu related to Toegye are described. Toegye found Kwang-ju edition of Hsin-ching-fu-chu in 1533 A.D., at Seong-gyun-gwan(成均館) in Seoul. He acquired the book from his friend. He read and studied very hard and remembered all the text. Also, he taught the Hsin-ching-fu-chu to his pupils and guided the reading of Hsin-ching-fu-chu to his followers and student. He read many proof sheets of the new publication of Hsin-ching-fy-chu, correcting then on detail and making notes on them.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.39-70
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• 2014

Toegye pursues a life of pleasure, joy and nobility. Anyone who is a scholar shall feel a joy in learning and practicing. However, not everyone can enjoy true pleasure or true calling through self-cultivations. Everybody wants "a joy of distant friends' visitations." But most of Confucian scholars prefer forests as a place of learning and self-cultivation. Toegye especially likes a forest life and then gives same value to walking as to reading. "Not to be angry even if not recognized" must be a high stage of self-cultivation. Toegye does not pursue fame or glory and always resign into a country life. His life-time resignation makes him obtain great after-death fame and glory. Thus, nobody feels jealousy against him but adores him.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.71-92
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• 2014

A series of the tragic 16th-century Sahwas sent Toegye into the depths of despair. In the face of the ensuing social disruption in which any criterion or direction is utterly lost, he could not but to reexamine the problem of human nature and good and evil. For Toegye, criterion or direction is connected with Principle, and human nature and the problem of good and evil are related with Mind. In other words, these problems are none other than the question: "As the subject of history and society, how a human being can set principle in a real world and realize it? How one can successfully control his wants and feelings with his rationality?" Toegye proposes that while laws and regulations should be reformed when they are outdated, good laws and regulations are not necessarily to be discarded. He also warns that ideal governance is not likely to be realized if only too conservatives take the lead while radicals, depended upon exclusively, would create too many problems.