• 제목/요약/키워드: Time spread

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조선 후기 민간도교의 발현과 전개 - 조선후기 관제신앙, 선음즐교, 무상단 - (Expression and Deployment of Folk Taoism(民間道敎) in the late of Chosŏn Dynasty)

  • 김윤경
    • 한국철학논집
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    • 제35호
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    • pp.309-334
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    • 2012
  • 본 연구는 조선후기 민간도교가 어떠한 형태로 존재해 왔는가를 고찰하고, 민간도교의 근간을 이루는 사상적 측면의 내용과 특징에 대해 논구하려는 것이다. 조선 후기 관제신앙이 관우를 중심으로 하는 민간신앙이라면, 선음즐교(묘련사)와 무상단은 조직을 갖춘 종교결사이다. 선음즐교(묘련사(妙蓮社))의 경우 '선음즐(善陰?)'은 "서경(書經) 주서(周書)"의 홍범전(洪範傳)에서 유래한 유학의 천관을 담고 있지만 수행의 방법으로는 보살성호(예-관세음보살)를 주문으로 수행하고, 신앙의 대상은 삼성(三聖)(관제, 문창, 부우)이다. 이러한 점은 조선 후기 민간도교의 삼교합일적 현상을 보여준다. 임란 이후 왕실의 주도로 국가적 차원에서 시작되었던 관제신앙은 민간에서 확고히 자리 잡게 된다. 조선 후기 관제(關帝)는 충과 효의 화신이면서 유 불 도의 삼교 교권을 집장하며, 생사 죄과 명운을 관장하는 신으로 표현된다. 이러한 신의 위력과 가피력이 민간에 경전으로 유포되면서 관제신앙은 벽사와 구복의 대상으로 자리 잡게 되었다. 선음즐교 '묘련사'는 명청대 '백련사(白蓮社)'를 모방한 종교결사이다. 선음즐교는 염불을 통한 신과의 '감응(感應)'을 강조하였다. 그리고 종교적 엑시터시(ecstasy)의 상태에서의 강필(降筆)을 비난(飛鸞)으로 표현하였다. 비난(飛鸞)이란 부난(扶鸞) 부계(扶?)라고도 하는데, 종교결사에서 경전을 만드는 방법으로, 신과의 합일 상태에서의 강필을 의미한다. 선음즐교는 부주수행을 통해 신과의 합일 상태를 추구하였으며, 신과의 합일 상태에서 강필한 경전을 교단의 중심 교리로 삼았다. 선음즐교의 난서 "제중감로(濟衆甘露)"의 서문을 장식한 여순양이 강림한 곳이 '무상단(無相壇)'이다. 무상단은 서정(徐珽), 정학구(丁鶴九), 유운(劉雲), 최성환(崔?煥)이 주축이 된 독립된 교파로 관성제군, 문창제군, 부우제군의 삼성제군(三聖帝君)을 숭배하면서 난서(鸞書)와 선서(善書)를 편찬하고 간행 보급하였다. 조선후기 민간도교 경전은 크게는 난서(鸞書)와 선서(善書)로 구분할 수 있다. 난서(鸞書)는 비난시(飛鸞時)의 관성제군 문창제군 부우제군 강필서이고, 선서(善書)는 "태상감응편"과 "공과격" 같은 선행의 표준을 보여주고 권면하기 위한 책이다. 조선 후기 민간도교의 특징은 다음과 같다. 첫째 정치적 이유로 지어진 관묘가 조선 후기 민간도교의 구심점 역할을 했다는 점이다. 관제신앙은 구복과 벽사의 대상으로 민간에 널리 확산되었다. 둘째 조선 후기에는 묘련사와 무상단이라는 구체적인 민간도교단체가 등장했다. 이들은 '감응'을 통한 영성(靈性)의 고양을 통해 신과의 합일을 추구한 난단도교(鸞壇道敎)였다. 셋째 조선의 민간도교는 청대 민간도교의 유불도 합일과 종교결사의 조직형태 난단도교 등의 영향을 받았다. 넷째 조선의 민간도교 경전은 난서(鸞書)와 선서(善書)로 구분되는데, 조선에서 직접 만들어진 난서(鸞書)는 민간도교의 특징을 밝혀줄 열쇠가 되리라고 기대한다.

사무 자동화에 따른 사무직 근로자의 건강과 연관된 자각 증상에 대한 조사연구 (An Investigation on the self-consciousness Symptoms of the Clerical Workers attendant upon Office Automation)

  • 정미화
    • 한국직업건강간호학회지
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    • 제3권호
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    • pp.54-70
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    • 1993
  • According as the automation of clerical work(OA ; Office Automation) develops, the use of VDT(Visual or Video Display Terminal) is increasing suddenly. But, in proportion to the spread of office automation(OA tendency), the self-conciousness syptom attendant upon the work is appearing also (Kim, Jung Tae, Lee, Young Ook, 1990). The apparatuses of office enable the clerical workers to be convenient and perform mass businesses. But, they are increasing the opportunity to be exposed to VDT syndrom, techno stress, computer terminal disease, pain by muscle strain(RSI), bradycausia of noise nature, and electromagnetic waves, etc. which are referred to as the new type of occupational diseases to the workers. It is the real situation that the workers to use VDT is complaining of the physical inconvenience sense in the recent newspaper and literature, it is the point of time that the sydrome to come from VDT use and computer terminal disease, etc. must be classified into the occupational disease(Lee, Kwang Young 1990, Lee, Kyoo Hak 1990, Lee, Won Ho 1991, Lee, Si Young 1991, Lee, Joon 1991, Choi, Young Tae 1991, Heo, Seung Ho 1989). In addition, it is the real situation that the scientifitic study result about the scope that electromagnetic waves has influence on the human body has not been suggested yet, and criticism on the stable exposure permission standard about electromagnetic waves to be emitted from VDT and on the problem in the health about electromagnetic waves is continuing. (IEEE Spectrum, 1990). In addition according to the experience of nursery business of industry field, it is the real situation that the patients who consult complaining of physical and mental inconvenience sence, among the users of apparatus of office automation, are reaching 10% of the patients coming to doctor's room. Therefore, it is necessary to confirm the self-consciousness symptom that the clerical workers complain of multilaterally with the actual state examination about the use of the apparatuses of offices automaton. Thus, this study was tried as th basic data for the cosultation and education for the maintenance and furtherance of the health of workers as the nurse of industry field, by confirming the contents of self-consciousness symptom attendant upon the use of the apparatus for office outomation making the financial institution in which the spparatus for office automation in most frequently used as the subject, and by examining whether there is the difference according to the subject of study, the data were collected, by using the questionnaire method, making 200 workers who consented to the study participation as the subject, among the persons who have spent over 3 months since they used the apparatuses for office automation and didn't receive the treatment in hospital due to the clerical disease for recent 3 years. The period of data collection was from Oct. 9, 1991 to Oct. 12. As for the measurement instrument about the complaint if self-consciousness symptom attendant upon the use of apparatuses fo office automation, the question item on the complaint symptom of health problem attendant upon the treatment of VDT that Kim(1991) developed and on CMI health problem and the question items on the fatigue degree due to industry were used by previous examination to 25 persons. Collected data were analyzed with the statistical method such as percentage, arithmetic mean, Person correlation coeffient, Kai square verfication, t-test, ANOVA, etc. by using SPSS/PC+ program, and the result is as follows : 1. The self-consciousness symptom that the clerical workers complained of most frequetly appeared high in 'My eyes are tired'(99.4%), 'I feel fatigue and weariness'(99.4%), 'I feel that my head is heavy5(90.0%), 'eyesight fell'(88.8%), 'I have a stiff neck'(88.8%), 'I fell pain in the shoulder'(85.0%), 'I feel cold and painful in the eyes'(76.9%), 'I feel the dry sense of eyeball'(76.2%), 'My nerves are edgy, and I an fretful, (75.6%), 'I feel pain in the waist'(73.2%) and 'I fell pain in the back'(72.8%). It emerged that the subject use the apparatuses for office automation complained of self-consciousness symptoms related to visual symptoms and musculoskeletal symptoms. 2. As for the general feature of examination subjects, the result to see the distribution by classifying into sex, age, school career, use career of apparatuses for office automation, skillfulness degree of the use of apparatus for office automation, use hours of the apparatuses for office automation per 1 day, type of business of the apparatus for office automation, rest hours during the use of apparatus for office automation, satifaction degree of business of office automation, and work circumstance, etc. emerged as follows : As for the sex of subjects, the distribution showed that men were 58.8% and women were 41.3%, Age was average 26.9. As the distribution of school career, the distribution showed that4below the graduation of high school' was 58.8%, 'graduation from junior college-university' was 35.0%, and 'over graduate school' was 6.3%. In the question to ask the existence or non-existence of experience of health consultation in connection with the work of office automation, the response that I had the consultation exprience and I feel the necessity emergerd as 90.1% And, the case that the subject who didn't wear the glasses or lens before using the OA apparatus wear glasses or lens after using OA apparatus emerged as 28.3% of whole. As for the existence or non-existence of use career of OA apparatus, the case under 3 years was highest as 52. 7%. As for the skillfulnness degree about the use of apparatus for office automation, most of them are skillful with the fact that 'common' was 44.4%, 'skill' was 42.5%, and 'unskillful' was 13.1% As for the use average hours of the apparatus for office automation per 1 day, the distribution showed that the case under 3-6 hours was 33.1%, the case under 6-9 hours was 28.1%, the case under 3 hours was 30.6%, and the case over 9 hours was 8.1% Main OA business and the use hours for 1 day showed in the order of keeping and retrieval, business of information transmission(162min), business of information transmission(79.3 min), business of document framing(55.5 min), and business of duplication and printing(25.4min). as for the rest during the use of apparatus for affice automation, that I take rest occasion demands the major portion, but that I take after completing the work emerged as 33.8%. Though the subiness gets to be convenient by the use of the apparatus for of office automation, respondents who showed the dissatisfaction about the present OA business emergd high as 78.1%. The work circumstances of each office was good with the fact that the temperature of office was 21.8, noise was average 42.7db, and the illumination was average 364.4 lx, in the light of ANSi/HFS 100 Standard. 3. Sight syptom, musculoskeletal symptom, skin and other symptoms showed the significant difference according to the extent of skillfulness of the apparatus for office automation. All the symptoms exept skin symptom showed the difference according to the use hours of the apparatus for office automation. All the question items exept the sytoms of digestive organs and the rest hours during the apparatus for office automation showed the signicant difference. The question item which showed the signicant difference from the satisfaction degree of present OA business showed the significant difference from all the question item classified into 6 groups. But, age and school career didn't significant difference from the complaint of any self-consciousness symptoms.

    . In conclusion, the self-consciousness symptoms of the subjects to use OA apparatus appeared differently, according to sex distiction, skillfull degree of OA apparatus, use hours of OA apparatus, the rest hours during th use of OA apparatus, and the satiafaction degree of persent business. Therefore, it is necessary that the nurse in the inuctry field must recognize to receive the education about the human technological physical condition which is most proper for te use of OA apparatus and about the proper rest method until they get accustomed to the use of OA apparatus. In addition, the simple exercise relax the tention of muscle due to the repetitive simple movement, and the education for the protection of eyesight are necessary.

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  • 일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

    • 박현국;김기욱
      • 대한한의학원전학회지
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      • 제20권4호
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      • pp.211-250
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      • 2007
    • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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    일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

    • 박현국;김기욱
      • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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      • 제10권
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      • pp.1-40
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      • 2008
    • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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    구주오소경과 명주(하서주) - 그 도시구조를 중심으로 - (9 Provinces and 5 Secondary Capitals, Myeong-ju(Haseo-ju) - Revolve Around Urban Structure -)

    • 야마다 타카후미
      • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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      • 제45권2호
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      • pp.20-37
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      • 2012
    • 신라는 문무왕 18년(678) 당나라군이 철수함에 따라 명실공히 한반도를 통일한 뒤, 그 판도를 중국 지방행정구획 제도를 모방하여 아홉 개의 주로 구분하고, 거기에 소경 군 현을 배치한 지방행정 조직을 정비하였다. 이른바 9주5소경(九州五小京)이라 불리는 지방행정제도이다. 주는 현재의 대한민국(이하 한국)의 도(道)에 해당하며, 소경은 광역시에 해당하는 것이다. 그 수는 "삼국사기" 신라본기 경덕왕 16년(757) 겨울 12월조에 의하면 5소경, 117군, 293현에 이른다 통일신라시대의 지방도시인 9주5소경(九州五小京)의 연구는 문헌사학 중심으로 이루어져, 주성(州城)과 소경성(小京城)의 위치와 그 도시구조에 대해서는 지금껏 크게 논의되었던 적이 없어 명확치 않은 점이 많다. 고고학적 도시구조의 복원연구는 박태우의 논고("통일신라시대의 지방도시에 대한 연구" 1987년)와 필자의 논고("新の九州五小京城郭の構造と實態について-統一新による計畵都市の復元硏究-"2009년) 정도이다. 강원도 강릉시는 원래 예(濊)의 고국(古國)으로 고구려의 하서량(河西良)이었다. "삼국사기(三國史記)"에 따르면 선덕왕 8년(639)에 북소경 하서양주(北小京; 河西良州))으로 되었는데, 무열왕 5년(658)에 하서주(河西州)로 소경에서 주로 바뀌었다. 이후 경덕왕 16년(757)에는 명주로 개칭되었고 그 뒤, 고려시대 이후로도 명칭은 여러 가지로 변하였다. 박태우는 나성 흔적이 남은 도시로 분류하여 명주동에 있었던 성지로 비정하고 있는데, 현재는 시가지화로 인하여 확인할 수가 없다고 한다. 또한 관동대학교에서는 강릉시 중심부로부터 서남서 약 3km에 위치하는 명주산성을 주치(州治)로 보는 설을 제시하고 있다. 필자는 일제시대의 측량도에서 볼 수 있는 유존(遺存) 토지구획로 보아 경주시의 신라금경이나 다른 많은 도시와 같이 방격의 가구, 즉 방리(坊里)를 갖춘 도시로 복원하였다. 다음은 그 구조에 대해 서술하였다. 강릉의 시가지는 시내를 남서에서 북동으로 흐르는 남대천의 왼쪽 기슭 평탄지에 위치하고 있다. 부근에 그다지 높은 산은 없으나 시가지의 북측에는 산이 동서로 이어져 있으며, 남대천으로부터의 평지부분 너비는 최대가 1km 정도로 그다지 넓지는 않다. 현재는 강릉시의 중심부로 시가지화가 진행되어 강릉역을 중심으로 한 방사상의 구획정리 등도 이루어져 옛 토지구획이 거의 소멸된 상태이다. 그러나 일제시대의 지형도 등을 보면 시가지 중심부인 옥천동, 임당동, 금학동, 명주동 등의 일대에 한 변 약 190m를 기본으로 하는 방격의 토지구획이 북서-남동에 약 0. 8km, 북동-남서에 약 1. 7km의 범위로 잔존하고 있는 것이 확인 가능하다. 방격의 유존 토지구획은 다른 9주5소경(九州五小京)의 사례를 통해 보면 통일신라에 의한 것일 가능성이 높은 것으로 생각된다. 단, 방격 한 변의 길이가 190m로 신라의 금경이나 다른 도시유적에서 볼 수 있는 한 변 160m나 140m의 규격과는 다르다는 점이 앞으로의 검토과제이다. 토지구획의 방위는 지형에 준하여 북서-남동 축에서 북쪽으로부터 약 $37.5^{\circ}$ 서쪽으로 기울어져 있다. 이는 남대천의 방위와 북측의 산지에 제약을 받았기 때문이라고 보여 진다. 방격의 유존 토지구획이 잔존하는 범위로부터, 최소로 보더라도 북서-남동 4방${\times}$북동-남서 7방 크기라는 장방형으로 복원하였다. 단, 방격의 유존 토지구획이 퍼지는 정도로 보아, 남서측과 북서측에 각각 1방 씩 늘어난 북서-남동 5방${\times}$북동-남서 8방(북서-남동 약 $950m{\times}$북동-남서 약 1520m)이었을 가능성도 있다. 전체의 형상은 장방형으로, 당의 장안성(長安城)이나 일본의 평성경(平城城)과 같은 중축대로(주작대로)가 상정 가능한 토지구획은 확인되지 않는다. 명주의 도시유적에 대한 고고학적 조사는 이제껏 이루어지지 않았으나, 도시유적 추정지 내부에 위치하는 조선시대의 강릉읍성이나 관아지의 발굴조사에서 출토된 기와류, 토기류 중에는 통일신라시대로 거슬러 올라갈만한 것이 있다고 필자는 생각한다. 또한, 관아지에서 검출된 조선시대의 건물지는 모두 정방위가 아닌 크게 기울어진 방위를 나타내고 있다. 이것은 강릉에서 볼 수 있는 방격 유존 토지구획이 예전부터 존재하고 있었던 사실을 보여주는 방증이라고 볼 수 있다. 또한 "명주성"의 명문 막새기와가 출토된 명주산성의 역할로, 이것이 주치였던 것을 필자는 부정하지 않는다. 한국의 고대도성은 평지성과 산성의 세트로 구성되어 있으며, 통일신라가 되어도 방리제 도성인 금경 주위로 명활산성, 남산산성, 서형산성의 산성군이 계속되어 유지되고 있었다. 구주오소경 이외의 다른 도시에서도 도시유적 부근에 산성이 분포되어 있는 것으로 보아, 명주도 평지의 도시와 산성이 세트가 되어 주치로서의 기능을 하고 있었던 것으로 사료된다.

    조선말기 백선도(百扇圖)의 새로운 제작경향 - 독일 로텐바움세계문화예술박물관 소장 <백선도(百扇圖)>와 국립중앙박물관 소장 <백선도(百扇圖) 초본(草本)>을 중심으로 - (New Trends in the Production of One Hundred Fans Paintings in the Late Joseon Period: The One Hundred Fans Painting in the Museum am Rothenbaum Kulturen und Künste der Welt in Germany and Its Original Drawings at the National Museum of Korea)

    • 권혜은
      • 미술자료
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      • 제96권
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      • pp.239-260
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      • 2019
    • 본 논고는 19세기 이후 형성된 서화(書畫)의 유통과 확산의 양상을 당시 활발히 제작된 장식병풍 중 하나인 <백선도(百扇圖)>의 예를 통해 살펴본 글이다. 백선도는 화면에 다양한 형태의 부채를 겹쳐서 배치하고 각각의 선면(扇面) 안에 여러 종류의 화제(畫題)를 그린 것을 말한다. 부채와 선면화(扇面畫)라는 소재는 이전부터 존재하였지만 장식용 회화의 소재로 등장한 것은 19세기 이후로, 호사취미 경향을 반영하여 주로 병풍(屛風)으로 활발히 제작되었다. 지난 2016년 국립중앙박물관 특별전 '미술 속 도시, 도시 속 미술'에서 독일로텐바움세계문화예술박물관 소장 <백선도>가 새로이 소개된 바 있다. 6폭으로 구성된 이 병풍에는 한 폭 당 5개 이상의 다양한 종류의 부채들이 등장하고 각 부채 면에는 단순히 채색한 것 뿐 아니라 다양한 화목(畫目)의 그림들이 남아있다. 무엇보다 이 작품을 주목해야 하는 것은 국립중앙박물관에 동일한 초본(草本)이 전하고 있기 때문이다. 19세기에 들어서면서 이전의 왕실이나 사대부들이 사적인 공간에서 향유하였던 서화(書畫)는 민간으로 확산되었고 시장을 통한 유통의 단계로 넓어졌다. 집안을 꾸미고 장식하는 풍조에 따라 화려한 장식그림들이 선호되었고, 한 폭에 다양한 형태의 화면과 다채로운 畫目(화목)의 그림을 그려 완성하는 백납도병풍 제작이 성행하였다. 로텐바움박물관 소장 한국 컬렉션의 상당수는 독일 주재 조선국 총영사이자 독일의 사업가였던 하인리히 콘스탄틴 에두아르 마이어(Heinrich Constantin Eduard Meyer, 1841~1926)의 수집품이다. 그는 1890년대 후반부터 1905년까지 조선과 독일을 오가며 다양한 유물들을 수집하여 독일에 돌아가 1909년까지 순차적으로 수집품을 로텐바움박물관에 전달하였으며, <백선도>도 그 중 하나이다. 새롭고 장식미가 돋보이는 <백선도>는 조선에 들어와 있던 외국인들의 이목을 집중시키기에 충분했을 것이다. 로텐바움박물관 소장 <백납도>는 제2폭의 뒷면에 "동현(銅峴)"이라는 지명이 적힌 종이조각이 거꾸로 붙어있어 흥미를 끈다. 동현은 지금의 서울 을지로 1가와 을지로2가 사이에 위치했던 곳이며, 조선시대에는 도화서(圖畫署)를 비롯한 혜민서(惠民署)·장악원(掌樂院) 등의 관청과 시전(市廛)이 있어 가내수공업이 성하던 지역이었다. 실제로 1900년대 초 이곳에는 서화를 유통하는 상점들이 자리잡고 있었기 때문에, 마이어가 수집했던 서화들의 구입처가 동현에 위치했었을 가능성은 매우 높다고 하겠다. 로텐바움박물관 소장 <백선도>는 총 6폭의 병풍으로, 1980년대에 한국 서화 소장품들을 수리하는 과정에서 현재의 모습을 갖춘 것으로 보인다. 국립중앙박물관 소장 <백선도 초본>은 1945년부터 1950년 사이 국립민족박물관에 입수된 작품이다. <백선도 초본>은 총 7점으로, 7점 중 6면 화면의 여백에 화면의 순서까지 정해져 있어 본래 총 8폭 병풍용 초본임을 알 수 있다. 한 화면에는 5개 이상의 다양한 접선(摺扇)과 단선(團扇)들이 배열해있는데, 작은 장식에서부터 부챗살의 문양까지 초본부터 사실적으로 묘사되었음을 볼 수 있다. 여기에 '석간주(石間朱)', '홍(紅)', '묵(墨)', '청(靑)' 등과 같이 부채에 들어갈 색 대부분을 지정하고, 빈 부채에는 '유(油)'라고 적거나 비워두었으며 이 중 10개의 부채에는 화훼초충도(花卉草蟲圖)나 고사인물도의 밑그림이 남아있다. 이를 실제 로텐바움박물관 소장 <백선도>와 비교하면 화면의 크기와 비례까지 정확하게 일치하고 있어, 초본의 매뉴얼을 그대로 따르고 있음을 보여준다. 이 작품의 펼쳐진 부채 면에는 산수, 고사인물, 화조, 영모, 초충, 어해 등 다양한 장르의 그림이 그려져 있는데 화접도(花蝶圖)나 어해도(魚蟹圖) 등은 19세기 유행하였던 소재로 당시 화단의 경향을 잘 보여준다. 이 작품에서 주목할 것은 김홍도(金弘道)의 전형적인 화풍을 연상시키는 장면들이 다수 포함되어 있다는 점이다. 이는 지금까지 알려진 백선도나 백납도에서는 찾아보기 어려운 특징이다. 서원아집도(西園雅集圖)는 상대적으로 제한된 작은 화면에 그려야 하는 백납도나 백선도의 특성상 잘 다루지 않는 소재로, 국립중앙박물관 소장 김홍도의 <서원아집도>병풍과 화면의 구성이나 화풍 모두 매우 흡사하다. 더구나 <백선도>병풍의 몇몇 장면은 김홍도의 작품 중에서도 1796년작 《병진년화첩(丙辰年畫帖)》과 유사한 화면들을 다수 발견할 수 있어 흥미롭다. <사인암(舍人巖)>과 흡사한 산수도(山水圖)를 비롯하여 <서원아집도>, <쌍치도(雙雉圖)> 등에서 김홍도 화풍을 연상시킨다. 따라서 부채 속 그림을 그린 인물은 김홍도 화풍의 영향을 받은 직업화가일 것으로 보이며, 작가는 《병진년화첩》을 직접 감상한 적이 있거나, 서화시장에 《병진년화첩》을 베껴 그린 부본(副本)이 유통되었을 가능성이 매우 높다. 현재까지 알려진 병풍으로 된 백선도는 10점 내외인 것으로 파악되며, 이 작품들을 비교해보면 화면의 구성이 부채 1개 정도 차이가 있거나 비례와 좌우가 바뀌었을 뿐 화면구성이 매우 유사함을 찾아볼 수 있다. 이처럼 일정한 패턴의 화면구성은 같은 시기 민간에서 성행한 책가도(冊架圖)에서도 찾아볼 수 있는 특징으로, 19세기 서화의 수요층이 넓어짐에 따라 세밀한 표현과 화려한 장식성이 요구되는 회화들의 대량 제작을 위한 초본이 존재했음을 보여준다. 특히 도안이 복잡하여 범본이 필요한 곽분양행락도나 요지연도, 백동자도, 해학반도도 등의 규모가 큰 장식병풍에서 적극 활용되었으며, 실제 남아있는 작품에서 몇 가지의 도상들이 반복하여 등장하고 있어 초본을 참고했던 흔적을 찾아볼 수 있다. 시장의 수요에 맞추어 대량 제작할 수 있는 초본 활용이 성행했던 당시의 경향은 화면을 다채로운 부채들로 채우고 그 부채 면에 각기 다른 그림을 그려야하는 백선도 제작에 있어서도, 초본을 요긴하게 사용했음을 보여준다. 더구나 테두리를 그은 후 다양한 화목의 그림을 담는 백납도에 비해 백선도는 다양한 형태의 부채들을 먼저 그려야하는 공정을 거쳐야 했기 때문에, 대량 제작이 어렵고 그만큼 남아있는 작품이 상대적으로 적은 원인으로 생각된다. 이처럼 로텐바움박물관 소장 <백선도> 병풍과 국립중앙박물관 <백선도 초본>은 새로운 화풍이 수용되어 시도되었던 조선 말기 화단의 경향을 잘 보여주는 예라 하겠다. 다수의 백선도들이 박기준의 작품과 유사한 화풍과 화면 구성 보이는 것에 비해, 김홍도의 영향이 분명히 드러나는 매우 이례적인 예라는 점에서 앞으로도 더욱 심층적인 분석이 요구되는 작품이다.