• Title/Summary/Keyword: Time Magazine

검색결과 1,061건 처리시간 0.029초

각종토성별 경제적용수량 결정시험연구 (Experiment for Various Soils on Economic Duty of Water in Paddy Fields)

  • 황은
    • 한국농공학회지
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    • 제11권1호
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    • pp.1561-1579
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    • 1969
  • 우리나라에서 답용수량(畓用水量)을 측정(測定)한 것은 이미 60년전(年前)이 였으며 그동안 몇군데서 시험(試驗)한 것이 있으나 모두 엽수면증발량(葉水面蒸發量)이 중심(中心)이었다. 그런데 품종개량(品種改良), 재배관리(栽培管理)의 향상(向上), 계기(計器)의 발달(發達)과 학술(學術)의 진전(進展)으로 과거(過去)에 측정(測定)한 값을 지금까지 준용(準用)하기는 어느정도 반성(反省)이 필요(必要)하며 더욱이 품종별(品種別) Data는 있으나 토성별(土性別) 시험치(試驗値)가 없어서 토성별(土性別) 용수량(用水量)은 전연(全然) 모르고 있었으며 강하침투량(降下浸透量)이 적은 습답(濕畓)에서는 엽수면증발량(葉水面蒸發量)이 답용수량(畓用水量)을 좌우(左右)하므로 엽수면증발량(葉水面蒸發量)의 측정(測定)만으로 좋으나 그렇지 못한 보통답(普通畓)은 엽수면증발량(葉水面蒸發量)보다 오히려 강하침투량(降下浸透量)이 지배적(支配的)인 역할(役割)을 하고 있다. 따라서 앞으로 엽수면증발량(葉水面蒸發量) 중요(重要)하지만 강하침투량(降下浸透量)도 직접측정(直接測定)하여 현실적(現實的)이고 경제적(經濟的)인 용수량(用水量)을 측정(測定)하여야 할것으로 생각한다. 이 강하침투량(降下浸透量)은 다시 지하수위(地下水位)의 고저(高低)와 관계(關係)가 깊으므로 아울러서 지하수(地下水)의 변동(變動)도 측정(測定)할 것이다. 이와같은 취지(趣旨)에서 본연구(本硏究)를 추진(推進)한 즉 다음과 같은 사항(事項)을 지적(指摘)하게 되었다. (1) 토성별(土性別) 경제적(經濟的) 용수량(用水量)을 결정(決定)하자면 몽이구역내(蒙利區域內)의 토성조사(土性調査)를 명백(明白)히 할것이며 토성(土性)에 따른 엽수면증발량(葉水面蒸發量)과 증발계증발량(蒸發計蒸發量)의 비(比)는 식양토(埴壤土) ET/V=1.11, 양토(壤土) ET/V=1.64 사양토(砂壤土) ET/V=1.63이었다. (2) 감수심(減水深)은 엽수면증발량(葉水面蒸發量), 강하침투량(降下浸,透量) 논두렁 침투량(浸透量)으로 구성(構成)되는데 이중 논두렁침투(浸透)는 재차(再次) 이용(利用)이 가능(可能)하나 엽수면증발량(葉水面蒸發量)과 강하침투량(降下浸透量)도 측정(測定)할 것이다. (3) 토성별감수심(土性別減水深)은 식양토(埴壤土) 9.3mm/day, 양토(壤土) 13.5mm/day, 사양토(砂壤土) 13.5mm/day이었다. (4) 강하침투량(降下浸透量)은 토성(土性)과 지하수(地下水)이 고저(高低)에 따라 다르다. (5) 토성별(土性別) 강하침투량(降下浸透量)의 변화(變化) 식양토(埴壤土) $1{\sim}2mm/day$ 양토(壤土) $2{\sim}3mm/day$, 식양토(埴壤土) $3{\sim}4mm/day$이다. (6) 지하수위(地下水位)의 변동(變動)은 식양토(埴壤土)보다 양토(壤土), 사양토(砂壤土) 순(順)으로 민감(敏感)하여 강수(降水)가 있으면 급(急)히 지하수위(地下水位)가 상승(上昇)하였다가 서서히 하강(下降)한다. (7) 지하(地下) 수위(水位)의 변동범위(變動範圍)는 25cm정도이었다. (8) 증발비(蒸發比)는 식양토구(埴壤土區) 168.8, 양토구(壤土區) 255.6 사양토구(砂壤土區) 272.5이었다.

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고등채소의 한해를 방지하기 위한 포장 용수량 결정에 관한연구 (A Study on Determination of Consumptive Use Needed in the Vegetable Plots for the Prevention of Drought Damage)

  • 최예환
    • 한국농공학회지
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    • 제15권2호
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    • pp.2949-2967
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    • 1973
  • 본 시험연구에서는 한발시에 배추와 무우의 최저용 수량을 규명하여 한발시에도 안심하고 수확을 할수 있는 방안을 모색하여 우리나라에서 밭 작물에 관개를 하지 않고 천후의 농업을 하는 방식을 개선하여 전천후농업으로 전환하기 위한 기본적인 연구와 역점을 두었다. 따라서 그 첫단계로 채소를 통하여 밭작물의 관개 예의한 증수와 한해를 극복하며 나아가서 다른 밭작물도 여기에 준용할 수 있는 방법을 모색하여 보았다. 본 연구는 배추와 무우를 보통 원예시험장 재배법에 준하여 재배하면서 용수관리는 수평방향의 지하수를 차단할 수 있도록 깊이를 1m까지 파고 비니루자루로 씨웠다. 그 위에는 $1m{\times}1m$의 시험구를 만들어 외각은 나무로 사각형을 만들어서 관수량이 외부로 흐르지도 않고 외부의 물 1m 지하에 있는 지하수만 연직방향으로 이동할 수 있으며 모세관 현상으로 상승 할수 있게 하였다. 포장 전체는 비닐하우스를 지어 강우를 차단하고 급수에만 의존했으며 통풍을 원활히 하기 위하여 지상까지는 비니루를 차단하지 않고 60cm 이상을 차단하여 그림 1과 같은 외부의 강우에 영향을 제한했다. 그 결과 포장내에 기온이 y=0.46+1.09x 라는 관계식으로 포장내에 온도가 외기온 보다 상승함을 나타냈다. 시험구는 배추2품종, 무우 2품종에 2반복 15처리로 120구에 보통구 8구로 128구에 대하여 1차시험은 $5{\sim}7$월에 2차 시험은 $8{\sim}10$월에 시행하고 관수 처리를 해서 1일 관수는 아침 저녁으로 4,000cc를 나누어 주었다. 4,000cc/일는 0.462l/sec/ha에 해당하며 배추의 용수량 0.62l/sec/ha나 무우의 용수량 0.64l/sec/ha보다 별로 적지 않은 최소의 용수량이다. 배추나 무우는 파종후 초기에 다 한발을 받으면 생장에 심한 타격을 주었고 배추는 생장기간 내내 계속 관수가 필요로 했고 무는 생장이 초기 중기를 지나면 뿌리가 깊이 발달하여 후기에 한발 처리는 크게 생장의 위축은 가져오지 않았다. 또한 무우나 배추가 공히 1차시험($5{\sim}7$월) 때가 2차시험($8{\sim}10$월)보다 더 많은 수분을 필요로 했는데 동일량을 급수했으므로 더 심한 한해를 받았다. 이 실험치는 Blaney and Criddle 값도 똑같이 배추와 무우의 1차 시험치는 소비량계수 K가 1.14와 1.06이였고 2차시험에는 0.97과 0.86으로 $0.17{\sim}0.20$정도 더 높았다. 또한 배추는 품종에 따라 심한 수확량차를 보였으나 무우는 그렇지는 않았다. 또 배추와 무우를 공히 처리(No.2)와 보통구와 수확량 이 비교를 했을 때 처리구(계속관수구)가 양호했고 품종은 유의성이 없었다. 이상의 종합으로 미루어 보아 보리, 밀, 콩, 감자, 당근등 각종 밭작물도 유사한 반응을 예측할 수 있고 우리나라와 같이 산지개발 면적이 많이 가지고 있어 이곳에 알맞은 적지 적소의 작물을 재배하기 위해서도 밭관개 및 한해 시험은 계속 연구되어야 하며 앞으로 밭작물 증수에 크게 기대되는 바이다.

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장승의 기원과 옹중석 (The Origin of Changseung and Ongjung Stone)

  • 정승모
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제46권1호
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    • pp.160-175
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    • 2013
  • 우리가 '장승'이라고 부르는 조형물들은 그 기원이나 역사, 또는 기능이 서로 달라 엄밀한 구별이 필요하다. 이 글은 장승의 기원과 함께 역사적인 변화과정을 더듬어 이 구조물이 갖는 두 가지 다른 측면을 구분하고 이에 기초하여 소위 '석장승'의 다양한 기원과 기능을 살펴보는 데 목적이 있다. 고려시기에 사찰에서는 장생, 또는 관련 석물을 세웠는데, 이 중 '통도사국장생석표'는 석표(石標)라기보다는 석비(石碑)의 기능을 갖는다. 석비에 음각된 명문을 보면 이전의 판아(判兒)처럼 다시 세우라고 하였는데, 판아란 역귀(疫鬼)를 쫓는다는 종규(鍾郡)를 말한다. 명문 내용은 통도사의 영역을 장생으로 표시하였다는 것이다. 허목의 "월악기(月嶽記)"에 실려 있는 한준겸(韓浚謙)의 기사를 보면 도갑사 국장생의 규모가 매우 커서 이러한 추정을 가능케 하며 '국장생'이나 '황장생'이라고 새긴 입석은 장생이 아니라 표석, 즉 장생표(長生標)임을 알 수 있다. 조선시대에 들어와 이정(里程) 기능을 하는 후를 장생으로 부르게 되었는데 이는 사찰 장생과는 달리 나무로 만들어 사찰 장생의 생(生) 자에 나무 목(木) 변을 붙인 것으로 판단된다. 그리고 요즈음과는 달리 조선시기에는 비보 성격을 갖는 사찰 석상이나 읍성풍수물을 장승이라고 부른 경우는 찾을 수 없다. 예를 들면 제주도 '돌하르방'을 두고 장승이라고도 불렀다는 역사적 근거는 없다. "탐라기년(耽羅紀年)"에 의하면 제주목사 김몽규(金夢奎)가 성문 밖에 옹중석(翁仲石)을 세웠다고 했는데, 옹중석은 대개 고대 제왕(帝王)이나 대신(大臣)의 능묘 앞에 세운 석인상(石人像)을 지칭하는 말이다. 옹중석은 엽승[壓勝]을 위한 풍수물로도 나온다. "광주읍지(光州邑誌)"(1899년간)에는 수구(水口)를 만들고 석옹중 2기를 마주 세워 그 기를 진압하였다는 기사가 나온다. 전라북도 부안읍치의 동쪽과 서쪽에 각각 2기씩 세워진 석물에는 '상원주장군(上元周將軍)'과 '하원당장군(下元唐將軍)'이라는 명문이 있는데, 읍성풍수물인 이것 역시 석장생이나 장승, 또는 당산으로 불릴 이유는 없다. 도교적인 개념인 상원(上元)과 하원(下元)이 붙은 주장군이나 당장군은 이후 사찰 석상의 명문으로 자주 등장하고, 이후에는 이표 장승에도 붙는다. 사모를 쓴 북한산성 옹중석을 지금은 볼 수 없는 것처럼 많던 옹중석들은 어딘가에 묻혔을 것이다. 그 와중에도 제주의 옹중석과 부안 읍성의 석상은 위치 이동이 적어 옹중석의 기능을 확실하게 알 수 있다. 이 시기에 설립된 석상들은 고려시기에 조성된 장생(長生)과 기능상 가장 관련이 깊은 듯하다. 즉, 과거의 장생처럼 18세기 초중반의 석상들은 읍성, 또는 사찰의 비보물이면서 동시에 경계를 표시하는 기능을 하였을 것으로 보인다. 사찰 석상의 설립시기는 양전사업이 전국적으로 실시된 때이기도 하지만 속세에서는 산송(山訟)이 활발해지는 때라 사찰에서는 비보와 함께 영역 표시를 위해 석상들을 세웠을 것으로 보인다. 현재 장승으로 통칭되는 목인과 석상들은 각자가 서로 다른 시대에 서로 다른 이유로 세워진 것들이다. 그 출발은 고려시기 사찰의 장생(長生)으로 비보물이면서 동시에 사찰의 영역을 표시하는 석물, 또는 석상이었다.

수환관개방법과 적정시설연구 (수환관개의 방법의 차이가 수축생육 및 수량에 미치는 영향과 그 적정시설에 관한 연구) (Studies on the Effects of Various Methods of Rotation Irrigation System Affecting on the Growth. Yield of Rice Plants and Its Optimum Facilities.)

  • 이창구
    • 한국농공학회지
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    • 제11권1호
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    • pp.1534-1548
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    • 1969
  • 본실험(本實驗)은 1968년(年)에 농림(農林)6호(號)를 공시품종(供試品種)으로 하여 관개수(灌漑水)를 절약(節約)하고 또 그의 조절방법(調節方法)으로써 한해(旱害)를 극복(克服)하는 동시(同時)에 증수(增收)를 보자는 취지(趣旨)에서 윤환관개(輪換灌漑)의 방법(方法)과 그 도정시설(道正施設)로서 관배수로시설(灌排水路施設)과 취입구(取入口) 배수구(排水口) 밑다짐 논두렁 지수벽등(止水壁等)을 만들어서 수도(水稻)의 생육(生育) 및 수량(收量)에 미치는 효과(效果)와 용수량관개(用水量關係)를 조사(調査) 시험(試驗)하였는바 그 결과(結果)를 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. 1. 밑다짐두께의 차이(差異)는 천립중(千粒重) 유의성(有意性)을 보였는데 그 순서(順序)는 밑다짐90cm 구(區)가 23.5g이고 밑다짐3cm 구(區) 6cm 구(區) 보통구(普通區) 밀집구(區)의 순서(順序)로서 그림와 같다. 2. 수량(收量)에 있어서는 밑다짐두께의 차이(差異)에서나 관개회수(灌漑回數)의 차이(差異)에 있어서나 고도(高度)의 유의성(有意性)을 보였는데 표(表) 5, 6, 7과 같다. 3. 토양(土壤)의 이화학적(理化學的) 성질(性質)에는 별차이(別差異)가 없었으며 관개수질(灌漑水質) 기타(其他) 기온(氣溫) 강우량등(降雨量等) 모든 값이 각처리구간(各處理區間)에 동질(同質)이었다. 4. 윤환관개(輪換灌漑)의 방법(方法)의 차이(差異)가 분벽수(分蘗數)에 미치는 효과(效果)는 유의성(有意性)을 보였으며 7일(日) 관개구(灌漑區)가 주당(株當) 0.74 8일(日) 관개구(灌漑區)가 17.2, 5일(日) 관개구(灌漑區)가 16.7, 6일(日) 관개구(灌漑區)가 15.3등(等) 윤환일수(輪換日數)가 많은 것이 표준구(標準區)에 비(比)하여 유의성(有意性)을 나타냈다. 5. 비닐처리구(處理區)는 수량(收量)이나 구성요소(構成要素)에 있어서 다같이 구멍 $3cm/m^2$ 구(區) 2cm 구(區) 1cm 구(區)의 순서(順序)로 나타났으나 무공구(無孔區)보다는 수량(收量)에 있어서나 구성요소(構成要素)에 있어서 도리어 저하(低下)의 현상(現狀)을 나타냈다. 이것은 물의 순환(循環)이 잘 되어야 한다는 처거(處據)이다. 6. 관개용수량(灌漑用水量)에 있어서는 전관개일수(全灌漑日數) 102일간중(日間中) 강우일수(降雨日數) 30일(日)을 제(除)한 나머지 실지관개일수(實地灌漑日數) 72일(日)에 있어서 보통구(普通區)가 1,590mm 인데 비(比)하여 밑다짐 906 구(區)가 876mm (44.9% 절약(節約)) 밑다짐 6cm 구(區)가 95mm (39.7% 절약(節約)) 밑다짐 3cm 구(區)가 1,010mm (36.3% 절약(節約)) 밀집구(區)가 1,082mm(32% 절약(節約))로 되었고 윤환관개(輪換灌漑)에 있어서는 8일관개(日灌漑)가 538mm (65.3% 절약(節約)) 7일(日) 관개구(灌漑區)가 617mm (61.1% 절약(節約)) 6일관개구(日灌漑區)가 672mm (57.7% 절약(節約)) 5일관개구(日灌漑區)가 746mm (53% 절약(節約)) 4일관개구(日灌漑區)가 890mm (44.2% 절약(節約)) 3일관개구(日灌漑區)가 975mm (38.6% 절약(節約))로 되었다. 7. 엽수면증발율(葉水面蒸發率)은 7월하순(月下旬)이 2.8, 8월중순(月中旬)이 2.9, 8월하순(月下旬)이 3.4, 9월상순(月上旬)이 2.6으로 되어 수량(收量)에 비례(比例)함을 알수 있다. 8. 삼투량(渗透量)은 30mm/일(日) 이상(以上)이었든 것이 비닐 지수벽(止水壁)을 설치(設置)한 관계(關係)로 20mm/일(日) 정도(程度)로 감소(減少)되었다. 이것은 횡침투(橫浸透)가 크다는 것을 의미(意味)한다. 9. 생육상태(生育狀態)가 양호(良好)하여서 도복(倒伏)은 전연(全然)없었고 도정율(搗精率)이 75%라는 양호(良好)한 성적(成績)을 나타냈다. 10. 용배수조직(用排水組織)이 완비(完備)되고 각구(各區)마다 급수관(給水管)이 별개(別個)로 설치(設置)되어야 절수(節水)가 될 수 있음을 알았다.

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창업보육서비스에 따른 입주기업의 창업보육센터 의존도에 관한 연구 (A Study on Startups' Dependence on Business Incubation Centers)

  • 박재성;리철;김재전
    • 중소기업연구
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    • 제31권2호
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    • pp.103-120
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    • 2009
  • 창업보육센터는 창업을 준비하는 예비창업자 및 신규 창업자에게 사업을 영위하는데 필요한 자원 및 서비스를 제공하고, 사업을 수행하는 과정에서 발생되는 다양한 문제의 해결에 도움을 주고 있다. 그러나 이러한 지원은 상황에 따라 기업의 자생력을 높이기보다는 창업보육센터에 대한 의존도를 높이는 경향이 있다. 본 연구는 창업보육서비스를 제공형태에 따라 인프라 지원, 네트워크 연계 지원, 직접 지원으로 분류한 후에 이들 서비스의 제공이 입주기업의 창업보육센터 의존도에 미치는 영향관계를 살펴보고, 아울러 입주기간에 따른 조절효과를 살펴보았다. 연구결과 세 가지 보육서비스 모두 의존도에 영향을 미치는 것으로 파악되었으며, 입주기간에 따른 조절효과는 기간이 늘어날수록 네트워크 연계 지원서비스에 정의 효과가 있는 반면 직접 지원서비스는 부의 효과가 있는 것으로 파악되었다. 이러한 결과는 입주기간이 늘어감에 따라 직접 지원서비스의 경우에는 입주기업이 센터의 자원을 흡수하여 기업의 역량으로 만들어 가지만, 네트워크 연계 지원서비스는 기업의 센터에 대한 의존도를 높이고 있다는 것을 보여준다. 따라서 신생기업이 자생력을 갖기 위해서는 보육서비스를 보육기간에 따라 차별적으로 제공해야 한다는 시사점을 제시하고 있다.

한국형 동반성장 정책의 방향과 과제 (The Policy of Win-Win Growth between Large and Small Enterprises : A South Korean Model)

  • 이장우
    • 중소기업연구
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    • 제33권4호
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    • pp.77-93
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    • 2011
  • 본 연구는 최근 사회경제적 이슈가 되고 있는 동반성장의 개념과 실천 방향에 대해 논의하고자 한다. 이를 위해 동반성장의 정책적 개념을 살펴보고 유사한 개념인 상생협력과 공생발전과도 비교 분석하고자 한다. 또한 동반성장을 통해 글로벌 경쟁력을 만들어 낸 선진국 사례들로부터 교훈을 찾아내고 우리의 사회 문화적 특성에 맞는 한국형 모델을 제안하고자 한다. 한국형 동반성장 모델은 미국의 시장중심형, 일본의 문화기반형, 유럽의 정책주도형 등의 장점을 융합할 필요가 있다. 이를 위해 한국형 모델은 공동체적 에너지를 창출해내는 한국인의 잠재력 활용, 통제와 자율의 융합형 제도 개선, 미래지향적 협력관계를 위한 기업들의 행동변화 등 세 가지 요인을 핵심으로 할 필요가 있다. 한국형 모델의 실현을 위해 필요한 정부의 역할과 과제, 그리고 동반성장위원회의 역할에 대해서도 논의하고자 한다.

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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논벼 장.단간품종의 증발산제계수와 건물량과의 관계에 대한 연구(I) (Studies on Relations between Various Coeffcients of Evapo-Transpiration and Quantities of Dry Matters for Tall-and Short Statured Varieties of Paddy Rice)

  • 류한열;김철기
    • 한국농공학회지
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    • 제16권2호
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    • pp.3361-3394
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    • 1974
  • The purpose of this thesis is to disclose some characteristics of water consumption in relation to the quantities of dry matters through the growing period for two statured varieties of paddy rice which are a tall statured variety and a short one, including the water consumption during seedling period, and to find out the various coefficients of evapotranspiration that are applicable for the water use of an expected yield of the two varieties. PAL-TAL, a tall statured variety, and TONG-lL, a short statured variety were chosen for this investigation. Experiments were performed in two consecutive periods, a seedling period and a paddy field period, In the investigation of seedling period, rectangular galvanized iron evapotranspirometers (91cm${\times}$85cm${\times}$65cm) were set up in a way of two levels (PAL-TAL and TONG-lL varieties) with two replications. A standard fertilization method was applied to all plots. In the experiment of paddy field period, evapotanspiration and evaporation were measured separately. For PAL-TAL variety, the evapotranspiration measurements of 43 plots of rectangular galvanized iron evapotranspirometer (91cm${\times}$85cm${\times}$65cm) and the evaporation measurements of 25 plots of rectangular galvanized iron evaporimeter (91cm${\times}$85cm${\times}$15cm) have been taken for seven years (1966 through 1972), and for TONG-IL variety, the evapotranspiration measurements of 19 plots and the evaporation measurements of 12 plots have been collected for two years (1971 through 1972) with five different fertilization levels. The results obtained from this investigation are summarized as follows: 1. Seedling period 1) The pan evaporation and evapotranspiration during seedling period were proved to have a highly significant correlation to solar radiation, sun shine hours and relative humidity. But they had no significant correlation to average temperature, wind velocity and atmospheric pressure, and were appeared to be negatively correlative to average temperature and wind velocity, and positively correlative to the atmospheric pressure, in a certain period. There was the highest significant correlation between the evapotranspiration and the pan evaporation, beyond all other meteorological factors considered. 2) The evapotranpiration and its coefficient for PAL-TAL variety were 194.5mm and 0.94∼1.21(1.05 in average) respectively, while those for TONG-lL variety were 182.8mm and 0.90∼1.10(0.99 in average) respectively. This indicates that the evapotranspiration for TONG-IL variety was 6.2% less than that for PAL-TAL variety during a seedling period. 3) The evapotranspiration ratio (the ratio of the evapotranspiration to the weight of dry matters) during the seedling period was 599 in average for PAL-TAL variety and 643 for TONG-IL variety. Therefore the ratio for TONG-IL was larger by 44 than that for PAL-TAL variety. 4) The K-values of Blaney and Criddle formula for PAL-TAL variety were 0.78∼1.06 (0.92 in average) and for TONG-lL variety 0.75∼0.97 (0.86 in average). 5) The evapotranspiration coefficient and the K-value of B1aney and Criddle formular for both PAL-TAL and TONG-lL varieties showed a tendency to be increasing, but the evapotranspiration ratio decreasing, with the increase in the weight of dry matters. 2. Paddy field period 1) Correlation between the pan evaporation and the meteorological factors and that between the evapotranspiration and the meteorological factors during paddy field period were almost same as that in case of the seedling period (Ref. to table IV-4 and table IV-5). 2) The plant height, in the same level of the weight of dry matters, for PAL-TAL variety was much larger than that for TONG-IL variety, and also the number of tillers per hill for PAL-TAL variety showed a trend to be larger than that for TONG-IL variety from about 40 days after transplanting. 3) Although there was a tendency that peak of leaf-area-index for TONG-IL variety was a little retarded than that for PAL-TAL variety, it appeared about 60∼80 days after transplanting. The peaks of the evapotranspiration coefficient and the weight of dry matters at each growth stage were overlapped at about the same time and especially in the later stage of growth, the leaf-area-index, the evapotranspiration coefficient and the weight of dry matters for TONG-IL variety showed a tendency to be larger then those for PAL-TAL variety. 4) The evaporation coefficient at each growth stage for TONG-IL and PAL-TALvarieties was decreased and increased with the increase and decrease in the leaf-area-index, and the evaporation coefficient of TONG-IL variety had a little larger value than that of PAL-TAL variety. 5) Meteorological factors (especially pan evaporation) had a considerable influence to the evapotranspiration, the evaporation and the transpiration. Under the same meteorological conditions, the evapotranspiration (ET) showed a increasing logarithmic function of the weight of dry matters (x), while the evaporation (EV) a decreasing logarithmic function of the weight of dry matters; 800kg/10a x 2000kg/10a, ET=al+bl logl0x (bl>0) EV=a2+b2 log10x (a2>0 b2<0) At the base of the weight of total dry matters, the evapotranspiration and the evaporation for TONG-IL variety were larger as much as 0.3∼2.5% and 7.5∼8.3% respectively than those of PAL-TAL variety, while the transpiration for PAL-TAL variety was larger as much as 1.9∼2.4% than that for TONG-IL variety on the contrary. At the base of the weight of rough rices the evapotranspiration and the transpiration for TONG-IL variety were less as much as 3.5% and 8.l∼16.9% respectively than those for PAL-TAL variety and the evaporation for TONG-IL was much larger by 11.6∼14.8% than that for PAL-TAL variety. 6) The evapotranspiration coefficient, the evaporation coefficient and the transpiration coefficient and the transpiration coefficient were affected by the weight of dry matters much more than by the meteorological conditions. The evapotranspiratioa coefficient (ETC) and the evaporation coefficient (EVC) can be related to the weight of dry matters (x) by the following equations: 800kg/10a x 2000kg/10a, ETC=a3+b3 logl0x (b3>0) EVC=a4+b4 log10x (a4>0, b4>0) At the base of the weights of dry matters, 800kg/10a∼2000kg/10a, the evapotranspiration coefficients for TONG-IL variety were 0.968∼1.474 and those for PAL-TAL variety, 0.939∼1.470, the evaporation coefficients for TONG-IL variety were 0.504∼0.331 and those for PAL-TAL variety, 0.469∼0.308, and the transpiration coefficients for TONG-IL variety were 0.464∼1.143 and those for PAL-TAL variety, 0.470∼1.162. 7) The evapotranspiration ratio, the evaporation ratio (the ratio of the evaporation to the weight of dry matters) and the transpiration ratio were highly affected by the meteorological conditions. And under the same meteorological condition, both the evapotranspiration ratio (ETR) and the evaporation ratio (EVR) showed to be a decreasing logarithmic function of the weight of dry matters (x) as follows: 800kg/10a x 2000kg/10a, ETR=a5+b5 logl0x (a5>0, b5<0) EVR=a6+b6 log10x (a6>0 b6<0) In comparison between TONG-IL and PAL-TAL varieties, at the base of the pan evaporation of 343mm and the weight of dry matters of 800∼2000kg/10a, the evapotranspiration ratios for TONG-IL variety were 413∼247, while those for PAL-TAL variety, 404∼250, the evaporation ratios for TONG-IL variety were 197∼38 while those for PAL-TAL variety, 182∼34, and the transpiration ratios for TONG-IL variety were 216∼209 while those for PAL-TAL variety, 222∼216 (Ref. to table IV-23, table IV-25 and table IV-26) 8) The accumulative values of evapotranspiration intensity and transpiration intensity for both PAL-TAL and TONG-IL varieties were almost constant in every climatic year without the affection of the weight of dry matters. Furthermore the evapotranspiration intensity appeared to have more stable at each growth stage. The peaks of the evapotranspiration intensity and transpiration intensity, for both TONG-IL and PAL-TAL varieties, appeared about 60∼70 days after transplanting, and the peak value of the former was 128.8${\pm}$0.7, for TONG-IL variety while that for PAL-TAL variety, 122.8${\pm}$0.3, and the peak value of the latter was 152.2${\pm}$1.0 for TONG-IL variety while that for PAL-TAL variety, 152.7${\pm}$1.9 (Ref.to table IV-27 and table IV-28) 9) The K-value in Blaney & Criddle formula was changed considerably by the meteorological condition (pan evaporation) and related to be a increasing logarithmic function of the weight of dry matters (x) for both PAL-TAL and TONG-L varieties as follows; 800kg/10a x 2000kg/10a, K=a7+b7 logl0x (b7>0) The K-value for TONG-IL variety was a little larger than that for PAL-TAL variety. 10) The peak values of the evapotranspiration coefficient and k-value at each growth stage for both TONG-IL and PAL-TAL varieties showed up about 60∼70 days after transplanting. The peak values of the former at the base of the weights of total dry matters, 800∼2000kg/10a, were 1.14∼1.82 for TONG-IL variety and 1.12∼1.80, for PAL-TAL variety, and at the base of the weights of rough rices, 400∼1000 kg/10a, were 1.11∼1.79 for TONG-IL variety and 1.17∼1.85 for PAL-TAL variety. The peak values of the latter, at the base of the weights of total dry matters, 800∼2000kg/10a, were 0.83∼1.39 for TONG-IL variety and 0.86∼1.36 for PAL-TAL variety and at the base of the weights of rough rices, 400∼1000kg/10a, 0.85∼1.38 for TONG-IL variety and 0.87∼1.40 for PAL-TAL variety (Ref. to table IV-18 and table IV-32) 11) The reasonable and practicable methods that are applicable for calculating the evapotranspiration of paddy rice in our country are to be followed the following priority a) Using the evapotranspiration coefficients based on an expected yield (Ref. to table IV-13 and table IV-18 or Fig. IV-13). b) Making use of the combination method of seasonal evapotranspiration coefficient and evapotranspiration intensity (Ref. to table IV-13 and table IV-27) c) Adopting the combination method of evapotranspiration ratio and evapotranspiration intensity, under the conditions of paddy field having a higher level of expected yield (Ref. to table IV-23 and table IV-27). d) Applying the k-values calculated by Blaney-Criddle formula. only within the limits of the drought year having the pan evaporation of about 450mm during paddy field period as the design year (Ref. to table IV-32 or Fig. IV-22).

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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혁신형 중소기업의 재무적 제약과 배당스무딩간의 관계 (The Relations between Financial Constraints and Dividend Smoothing of Innovative Small and Medium Sized Enterprises)

  • 신민식;김수은
    • 중소기업연구
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    • 제31권4호
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    • pp.67-93
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    • 2009
  • 본 연구는 1999년 1월 1일부터 2007년 12월 31일까지 한국거래소의 유가증권시장과 코스닥시장에 상장된 혁신형 중소기업을 대상으로 재무적 제약과 배당스무딩간의 관계를 실증분석 하였으며, 주요한 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 기업들은 목표 배당성향을 가지고 있으며, 실제 배당성향이 목표 배당성향에서 이탈하면 다시 배당지급을 부분적으로 조정한다. 배당조정속도는 Lintner(1956)의 배당조정모형의 핵심변수인 전기 주당배당과 당기 주당이익을 사용하여 거의 대부분 측정할 수 있으며, 잔여배당이론과 그 이후에 등장한 배당신호이론, 대리인이론, 케이터링 이론 및 거래비용이론에 관한 대용변수들은 배당조정속도에 부분적으로 영향을 미친다. 그리고 전기 주당배당은 당기 주당이익보다 배당조정속도에 더 큰 영향을 미치는데, 이는 기업들이 특별한 이유가 없는 한 전기 주당배당 수준을 장기적으로 유지하는 안정적인 배당정책을 선호한다는 증거가 된다. 혁신형 중소기업은 비혁신형 중소기업보다 배당조정속도가 더 빠르다. 혁신형 중소기업은 R&D 투자에 따른 미래의 성장성과 수익성을 담보로 하여 장기적으로 안정적인 배당정책을 유지할 수 있다. 다시 말해, 혁신형 중소기업은 배당지급이 목표 배당성향에서 이탈하더라도, R&D 투자에 따른 미래의 성장성과 수익성을 담보로 하여 목표 배당성향을 향하여 배당지급을 신속하게 조정하여 배당스무딩을 효과적으로 달성할 수 있다. 그리고 혁신형 중소기업 중에서도 재무적 비제약 기업은 재무적 제약 기업보다 배당조정속도가 더 빠르다. 이는 재무적 비제약 기업일수록 자본시장을 통한 외부 자금조달이 용이하기 때문에 주당배당을 신속하게 조정한다는 증거가 된다. 따라서 자본시장 접근성이 용이하여 재무적 제약을 적게 받는 기업일수록 외부 자금조달이 용이하기 때문에 배당지급을 더 신속하게 조정함으로써 배당스무딩을 더 효과적으로 달성할 수 있다. 그리고 중소기업청이 정책적 목적으로 분류한 혁신형 중소기업(벤처기업, 이노비즈기업, 경영혁신형기업)은 비혁신형 중소기업보다 배당조정속도가 더 빠르다. 중소기업청에서 정책적 목적으로 분류한 혁신형 중소기업은 신용보증지원, 정책자금지원, 조세혜택, 공공입찰 우선권 부여 등과 같은 다양한 정책적 혜택으로 인해 재무적 제약을 적게 받기 때문에 배당지급을 더 신속하게 조정할 수 있다. 결론적으로, 한국거래소의 유가증권시장과 코스닥시장에 상장된 혁신형 중소기업은 비혁신형 중소기업보다 배당조정속도가 더 빠르고, 혁신형 중소기업 중에서도 재무적 비제약 기업은 재무적 제약 기업보다 배당조정 속도가 더 빠르다. 다시 말해, 중소기업 중에서도 R&D 집중도가 높은 혁신형 중소기업은 R&D 투자에 따른 미래의 성장성과 수익성을 담보로 하여 배당스무딩을 신속하게 할 수 있고, 혁신형 중소기업 중에서도 자본시장 접근성이 좋은 기업은 재무적 제약을 적게 받기 때문에 배당스무딩을 더 신속하게 할 수 있다. 따라서 중소기업 경영자는 R&D 집중도를 증가시키고 자본시장 접근성을 높여 재무적 제약을 회피함으로써 신속한 배당스무딩을 통해 장기적으로 안정적인 배당정책을 유지할 수 있다고 생각한다. 그리고 중소기업청이 정책적 목적으로 분류한 혁신형 중소기업(벤처기업, 이노비즈기업, 경영혁신형기업)의 경우에도 배당조정속도가 비혁신형 중소기업보다 더 빠르게 나왔다. 이러한 결과는 배당정책의 측면에서 중소기업청의 혁신형 중소기업 정책을 지지하는 실증적인 증거가 된다.