• Title/Summary/Keyword: Third Party Effect

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관계인사 영입이 코스닥 기술특례기업 IPO성과에 미치는 영향: 제3자 사회적 인정의 신호 효과를 바탕으로 (The Presence of Related Personnel Effects on the IPO of Special Listed Firms on KOSDAQ Market: Based on the Signal Effect of Third-party Social Recognition)

  • 김기용;고영희
    • 벤처창업연구
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    • 제17권6호
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    • pp.13-24
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    • 2022
  • 본 연구의 목적은 코스닥 기술특례 상장기업을 대상으로 관계인사 존재 여부가 시장에 신호 효과를 주어 IPO시 성과에 영향을 미치는 지를 살펴보고자 하였다. 기술특례상장제도는 기술우위 스타트업과 벤처기업들의 기술력과 시장성 등을 기반으로 기업공개를 통한 자금조달을 확보하여 미래 성장이 가능하도록 도입된 제도이다. 분석대상은 기술특례상장제도가 도입된 05년부터 21년까지 상장된 기술특례기업 135사(스팩합병, 외국기업 제외) 모두를 대상으로 하였다. 관계인사는 공무원, 유관기관 경력자, 자금조달관련 금융기관경력자, 변호사 등 전문직으로 정의하였다. IPO시 성과는 선행연구를 바탕으로 상장시 기업가치와 상장소요기간으로 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 단순히 관계인사 존재 여부가 기업가치 혹은 상장소요기간에 유의미한 영향을 주지는 않는 것으로 분석되었다. 이는 공무원, 유관기관 등 관계인사로 범위를 축소하여 검증한 결과도 마찬가지로 나타났다. 다만, 특정 조건하에서 관계인사 존재가 기술특례상장기업 상장에 미치는 유의미한 결과가 도출되었다. 관계인사 존재와 VC투자가 같이 있는 경우 기업가치에 유의미한 영향을 미치고, 기술특례상장기업 중 바이오 업종의 경우 공무원, 유관기관 등 관계인사가 존재하는 경우 상장소요기간에 유의미한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구는 기술특례상장제도가 도입된 이후의 모든 기술특례상장기업을 대상으로 관계인사 존재 여부의 신호효과를 체계적으로 분석하였다는 점에서 의의가 있다. 또한 분석 결과 기술특례상장 준비 기업은 단순히 관계인사 영입보다는 VC투자와 병행되는 등 기술성과 시장성을 확보하기 위한 내실화된 노력이 더 중요함을 알 수 있는 결과를 도출하였다.

서비스 실패요인이 보복행위에 미치는 영향과 관계품질의 조절효과 (The Effect of Service Failure on the Desire for Betrayal and Retaliatory Behavior - Based on the Moderating Role of the Customer-Service Firm Relationship Quality)

  • 김모란;안광호
    • Asia Marketing Journal
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    • 제14권1호
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    • pp.99-130
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    • 2012
  • 과거 기업은 고객만족을 통해 고객의 충성도를 구축해 지속적인 이윤을 창출하는데 주로 초점을 맞추었다. 그러나 고객들은 기업에게 긍정적 영향만을 주지 않으며 때로는 기업을 위험에 빠뜨리기도 하고 곤란에 처하게 하기도 한다. 서비스 실패를 경험한 고객에게 기업이 적절한 서비스 회복조치를 취하지 못했을 때 그들은 배신감과 분노 같은 강한 부정적 정서를 느끼며 이러한 부정적 정서는 기업의 성과에 상당한 부정적 영향을 미칠 수 있는 공격적 행동이나 보복행동을 유발 할 수 있다. 고객이 느끼는 이러한 부정적 정서는 기업과 오랜 거래관계를 유지하고 그 기업에 대해 애착을 가진 충성고객에게 더 강하게 발생될 수 있다. 강한 배신감을 느낀 충성고객은 단순히 경쟁기업으로 브랜드 전환을 하는데 머무는 것이 아니라 온라인 부정적 구전, 불매운동, 언론매체를 통한 호소 등의 강력한 보복행동을 수행한다. 본 연구는 서비스 실패요인으로 발생되는 배신감이라는 감정이 보복욕구를 통해 보복행위까지 가는 인과관계에 대해 알아보고, 기업 간의 충성도가 각기 다른 고객들을 분류하여 그 차이를 살펴보았다. 실증분석 결과 각각의 공정성 훼손은 모두 지각된 배신감에 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 특히 고객들은 분배 공정성 훼손으로 인한 서비스 실패를 경험하였을 경우 가장 높게 배신감을 지각했으며 절차공정성 훼손으로 인한 서비스 실패를 경험하였을 경우 배신감을 가장 낮게 느끼게 하는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 지각된 배신감은 보복욕구에 유의한 영향을 미치며 이후 부정구전과 보복적인 불평행동, 제3단체를 통한 불만 홍보와 같은 보복행위 모두에 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 따라서 공정성 훼손은 지각된 배신감과 보복욕구와 같은 매개변수를 통하여 보복행위에 영향을 미치는 것으로 볼 수 있다. 마지막으로 공정성 훼손과 지각된 배신감과의 관계에서 과거 해당기업과 고객 간의 관계의 친밀도를 나타내는 관계품질의 조절변수 역할을 검증한 결과 관계품질은 조절변수로서 역할을 하는 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구는 서비스 실패 요인이 보복행위에 미치는 영향을 단순 인과관계로 보지 않고 기업과 고객 간의 관계품질의 조절효과를 고려하여 연구를 하였다는 데 그 의의가 있다.

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한미간(韓美間) 정보통신분야(情報通信分野) 통상마찰예방(通商摩擦豫防)과 해소방안(解消方案)에 관한 연구(硏究) (A study on The U.S.-Korean Trade Friction Prevention and Settlement in the Fields of Information and Telecommunication Industries)

  • 정재영
    • 무역상무연구
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    • 제13권
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    • pp.869-895
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    • 2000
  • The US supports the Information and Communication (IC) industry as a strategic one to wield a complete power over the World Market. However, several other countries are also eager to have the support for the IC industry because the industry produces a high added value and has a significant effect on other industries. Korea is not an exception. Korea recently succeeded in the commercialization of CDMA for the first time in the world, after the successful development of TDX. Hence, it is highly likely to get tracked by the US. Although the IC industry is a specific sector of IT, there is a concern that there might be a trade friction between the US and Korea due to a possible competition. It will be very important to prepare a solution in advance so that Korea could prevent the friction and at the same time increase its share domestically and globally. It will be our important task to solve the problem with the minimum cost if the conflict arises unfortunately in the IT area. The parties that have a strong influence on the US trade policy are the think tank group and the IT-related interest group. Therefore, it would be important to have a close relationship with them. We found some implications by analyzing the case of Japan, which has experienced trade frictions with the US over the long period of time in the high tech industry. In order to get rid of those conflicts with the US, the Japanese did the following things : (1) The Japanese government developed supporting theories and also resorted to international support so that the world could support the Japanese theories. (2) Through continual dialogue with the US business people, the Japanese business people sought after solutions to share profits among the Japanese and the US both in the domestic and in the worldwide markets. They focused on lobbying activities to influence the US public opinion to support the Japanese. The specific implementation plan was first to open culture lobby toward opinion leaders who were leaders about the US opinion. The institution, Japan Society, were formed to deliver a high quality lobbying activities. The second plan is economic lobby. They have established Japanese Economic Institute at Washington. They provide information about Japan regularly or irregularly to the US government, research institution, universities, etc., that are interested in Japan. The main objective behind these activities though is to advertise the validity of Japanese policy. Japanese top executives, practical interest groups on international trade, are trying to justify their position by direct contact with the US policy makers. The third one is political lobby. Japan is very careful about this political lobby. It is doing its best not to give impression that Japan is trying to shape the US policy making. It is collecting a vast amount of information to make a correct judgment on situation. It is not tilted toward one political party or the other, and is rather developing a long-term network of people who understand and support the Japanese policy. The following implications were drawn from the experience of Japan. First, the Korean government should develop a long-term plan and execute it to improve the Korean image perceived by American people. Second, the Korean government should begin public relation activities toward the US elite group. It is inevitable to make an effort to advertise Korea to this elite group because this group leads public opinion in the USA. Third, the Korean government needs the development of a relevant policy to elevate the positive atmosphere for advertising toward the US. For example, we need information about to whom and how to about lobbying activities, personnel network who immediately respond to wrong articles about Korea in the US press, and lastly the most recent data bank of Korean support group inside the USA. Fourth, the Korean government should create an atmosphere to facilitate the advertising toward the US. Examples include provision of incentives in tax on the expenses for the advertising toward the US and provision of rewards to those who significantly contribute to the advertising activities. Fifth, the Korean government should perform the role of a bridge between Korean and the US business people. Sixth, the government should promptly analyze the policy of IT industry, a strategic area, and timely distribute information to industries in Korea. Since the Korean government is the only institution that has formal contact with the US government, it is highly likely to provide information of a high quality. The followings are some implications for business institutions. First, Korean business organization should carefully analyze and observe the business policy and managerial conditions of US companies. It is very important to do so because all the trade frictions arise at the business level. Second, it is also very important that the top management of Korean firms contact the opinion leaders of the US. Third, it is critically needed that Korean business people sent to the USA do their part for PR activities. Fourth, it is very important to advertise to American employees in Korean companies. If we cannot convince our American employees, it would be a lot harder to convince regular American. Therefore, it is very important to make the American employees the support group for Korean ways. Fifth, it should try to get much information as early as possible about the US firms policy in the IT area. It should give an enormous effort on early collection of information because by doing so it has more time to respond. Sixth, it should research on the PR cases of foreign enterprise or non-American companies inside the USA. The research needs to identify the success factors and the failure factors. Finally, the business firm will get more valuable information if it analyzes and responds to, according to each medium.

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노론의 연원과 전개, 철학사상과 현실인식 (An origin and development, the thought and understanding of actual world of Noron)

  • 김문준
    • 한국철학논집
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    • 제32호
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    • pp.79-112
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    • 2011
  • 노론(老論)은 숙종대에 결성된 이후 조선의 정국을 주도한 집권 세력으로서 조선이 멸망할 때까지 지속적으로 조선의 정국을 주도했다. 노론의 학문과 사상의 전개는 크게 네 시기로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 첫째, 17세기 후기에서 18세기 초에 이르는 숙종대의 붕당 정치 시기, 둘째 18세기 중기에서 후기에 이르는 영정조대의 탕평 시기, 셋째 19세기 이후의 세도 정치 시기, 넷째 19세기 후기에서 구한말에 이르는 시기 등이다. 이렇게 구분하여 노론의 연원과 전개 양상을 개략적으로 살펴볼 수 있다. 노론의 전반적인 특징은 노론의 정신적 지주로 송시열을 존숭하였고, 존주자 양이적을 추구하는 조선중화론에 의한 군자당론을 주장하였으며, 일도설(一途說)과 기질지성(氣質之性)에 관한 학설에 대해 율곡 성리학을 보완적으로 계승하였고, 이단 배척과 정학 수호를 중시하여, 결국 천주교 탄압으로 표출된 양상으로 요약 정리할 수 있다. 노론계의 특징적인 학자로는 학문과 정치 양 측면에서 보았을 때 수암(遂庵) 권상하(權尙夏)(1641~1721), 농암(農巖) 김창협(金昌協)(1651~1708), 도암(陶庵) 이재(李縡)(1680~1746) 등이 주목되는 인물이다. 17세기 이후의 치열한 권력 쟁탈 가운데에 사상적 맥락이나 학문사상이 정국 변화의 핵심적인 요인이라고 보기는 어렵다. 조광조의 지치주의 이후 조선시대 공론(公論)은 누구나 동의하는 보편적인 논의를 지칭하지만 사림이 분열한 이후에는 당파적 이해를 반영하는 당론(黨論)과 구분하기 어려워지게 되었다. 이런 가운데 송시열을 추숭한 노론 계열의 학자들은 존주자(尊朱子) 양이적(攘夷狄)을 기치로 삼고 왕이나 권세가들의 권력 남용을 제어하고 강력한 정치적 통일을 이루어 도의(道義) 사회를 구현하려고 했다. 그러나 점차 17세기에 수립한 당시의 정치적 동기와 목표는 상실하고 결국 탕평에 반대한 노론 벽파가 정조(正祖) 사후에 세도정권(勢道政權)을 만들어 내면서 정국을 장악하고 권세를 전횡하는 폐해로 귀결되었다. 노론의 현실 대응 논리와 행적은 정학일치(政學一致)라는 한국 도학정치의 특성이 극단화되어 표출된 모습이라고 평가할 수 있다.

국제항공화물운송에 관한 운송증서의 요건 및 효력 (The Requirement and Effect of the Document of Carriage in Respect of the International Carriage of Cargo by Air)

  • 이강빈
    • 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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    • 제23권2호
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    • pp.67-92
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    • 2008
  • 본 연구의 목적은 몬트리올협약 및 IATA 항공화물운송약관상의 관련규정과 국내 및 외국의 법원판례를 중심으로 국제항공화물운송에 관한 운송증서인 항공화물운송장과 화물수령증의 작성 교부 요건 효력에 관하여 고찰하는데 있다. 몬트리올협약 제4조에 의하면, 항공화물의 운송에 관하여 항공화물운송장을 교부하여야 한다. 한편 이행될 운송에 관한 기록을 보존하는 다른 수단으로 항공화물운송장의 교부를 대체할 수 있으며, 이러한 다른 수단이 사용되는 경우, 운송인은 송하인의 요청에 따라 송하인에게 적송품을 증명하는 화물수령증을 교부하여야 한다. 몬트리올협약 제7조에 의하면, 항공화물운송장은 송하인에 의하여 원본 3통이 작성된다. 제1원본에는 "운송인용"이라고 기재하고 송하인이 서명한다. 제2원본에는 "수하인용"이라고 기재하고 송하인 및 운송인이 서명한다. 제3원본에는 운송인이 서명하고 화물을 인수받은 후 송하인에게 그것을 인도한다. 만약 송하인의 청구에 따라 운송인이 항공화물운송장을 작성하였을 경우, 반증이 없는 한 운송인은 송하인을 대신하여 그렇게 한 것으로 간주한다. 몬트리올협약 제5조에 의하면, 항공화물운송장 또는 화물수령증에는 (1) 출발지 및 도착지의 표시, (2) 출발지 및 도착지가 단일 당사국 영역내에 있거나 약정기항지가 다른 국가의 영역내에 있을 경우 최소한 한곳의 기항지의 표시, (3) 적송품의 중량의 표시 등을 기재하여야 한다. 몬트리올협약 제10조에 의하면, 송하인은 본인 또는 그의 대리인이 제공한 기재사항의 불비, 부정확 또는 불완전으로 인하여 운송인 또는 운송인이 책임을 부담하는 타인이 입은 모든 손해에 대하여 운송인에게 보상한다. 몬트리올협약 제9조에 의하면, 동 협약 제4조 내지 제8조의 운송증서에 관한 요건을 준수하지 아니하는 경우 운송계약의 존재 또는 효력에 영향을 미치지 아니하며, 책임제한에 관한 규정을 포함한 이 협약의 규정들이 적용된다. 항공화물운송장은 유가증권이나 유통증권이 아니다. 몬트리올협약 제11조에 의하면, 항공화물운송장 또는 화물수령증은 계약의 체결, 화물의 인수 및 운송의 조건에 관한 추정적 증거가 된다. 몬트리올협약 제12조에 의하면, 운송인은 항공화물운송장 또는 화물수령증의 제시를 요구하지 아니하고 화물의 처분에 관한 송하인의 지시를 따른 경우, 이로 인하여 항공화물운송장 또는 화물수령증의 정당한 소지인에게 발생된 손해에 대하여 책임을 진다. 우리 대법원 판례에 의하면, 운송인으로서 운송주선인은 보세창고업자가 항공화물 운송장상의 통지처(실수입자)에게 화물을 불법인도한데 대해 책임을 지지 아니하는바, 그 이유는 운송주선인이 보세창고를 지정하지 아니하였으며, 보세창고업자에 대한 고용자의 입장에 있지 않았기 때문이다. 결론적으로, 우리나라 관세청은 항공화물서류의 전자화 사업인 e-Freight를 오는 2012년완결을 목표로 적극 추진해 나갈 계획이다 따라서 향후 항공화물운송에서 전자 운송서류의 사용이 활발해 질 것이므로 운송인 및 운송주선인은 전자 운송서류의 작성요건 및 법적 효력에 세심한 관심을 가져야 할 것이다.

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중국 프랜차이즈 시스템에서의 본부와 가맹점간 신뢰의 영향요인 (The Determination of Trust in Franchisor-Franchisee Relationships in China)

  • 신건철;마요곤
    • 마케팅과학연구
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    • 제18권2호
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    • pp.65-88
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    • 2008
  • 본 연구는 중국 프랜차이즈 시스템에 참여하는 본부와 가맹점 사이의 신뢰에 영향을 미치는 요인에 대해서 규명하고자 하였다. 중국의 외식 프랜차이즈 산업 가맹점을 조사대상으로 한 실증분석 결과, 프랜차이즈 시스템에서는 신뢰의 형성이 매우 중요하며, 이를 위하여 본부의 가맹점에 대한 지원의 강화, 양자 간의 원활한 커뮤니케이션, 가맹점의 과거결과에 대한 만족의 증진, 양자 간의 갈등 예방 및 해소가 필요하며, 이러한 본부의 가맹점에 대한 지원과 원활한 커뮤니케이션이 가맹점의 과거결과에 대한 만족을 증가시킬 수 있고, 원활한 커뮤니케이션이 양자 간의 갈등을 감소시킬 수 있는 것으로 나타났다.

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한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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재상업복무교역중적매매관계중상호신임대관계적효적영향(在商业服务交易中的买卖关系中相互信任对关系绩效的影响) (The Effect of Mutual Trust on Relational Performance in Supplier-Buyer Relationships for Business Services Transactions)

  • Noh, Jeon-Pyo
    • 마케팅과학연구
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    • 제19권4호
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    • pp.32-43
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    • 2009
  • 信任在心理学, 经济学, 社会学中已被广泛研究, 其重要性不仅在市场营销中被强调, 在一般商业原则中也被强调. 供应商和买家之间的关系与过去不同, 过去的关系需要相当大的私人网络优势, 并可能涉及不道德的商业行为. 而在以工业营销成功的为核心的二十一世纪激烈的全球竞争中, 供应商和买家之间的关系是伙伴关系. 在相互合作的高级别信任的基础上, 通过交换的关系, 这会给买家和供应商带来长期的利益, 竞争力增强和交易成本的降低以及其他福利. 尽管现有的研究有信任的重要性, 但是在购买与供应关系中却忽视了信任的作用, 也没有系统地分析信任对关系的影响. 因此, 深入研究, 确定买家和商业服务供应商之间信任和关系绩效之间的联系是绝对需要的. 本研究中的商业服务, 包括那些支持制造业, 正作为下一代经济增长的引擎而吸引着人们的注意. 韩国政府已选择其作为制造业发展的战略领域. 由于商业服务开放市场的需求日趋激烈, 商业服务业的竞争力应该比以往得到更多的提倡. 本研究的目的是探索相互信任对买家和供应商之间的关系绩效的影响. 具体来说, 本研究在商业服务交易中提出了一个关于信任-关系绩效的理论模型, 并实证检验根据模型而提出的假设. 这项研究表明, 研究结果有战略意义. 本研究通过多种方法收集经验数据. 这些方法包括通过电话, 邮件和面试. 作为样本的公司是在韩国供应和购买商业服务的以知识为本的公司. 本研究收集的是二进的基础数据. 每个样本公司对包括购买公司及其相应的供应公司. 并跟踪调查每个公司对的相互信任. 本研究为商业服务的买卖双方提出了信任-关系绩效的模型. 该模型由信任和它的前因和后果. 买家的信任分为对供应公司的信任和对销售人员的信任. 根据Doney 和Cannon (1997)的研究我们在个人水平和组织水平上观察信任. 通常情况下, 买方是信任的受体, 但这项研究我们建议以供应商为观察受体. 因此, 它独特的关注了双边角度的知觉风险. 换言之, 供应商和买家一样, 是信任的主体, 因为交易通常是双边的. 从这个角度来看, 供应商对买家信任和买方对供货商的信赖一样重要. 供应商的信任从某种程度上受它信任的买方公司和买家的影响. 这种使用个人水平和组织水平的信任分类是根据Doney 和Cannon (1997)的研究. 信任影响供应商的选择, 这是一项双向放的工作. 供应商们积极参与供应商选择过程中, 和买家密切的一起工作. 此外, 该过程从某种程度上受每一方信任的合作伙伴的影响. 挑选过程包括一些步骤: 识别, 信息检索, 供应商选择和绩效评价. 作为这一进程的结果, 买家和供应商都进行绩效评估, 并就这些结果为基础, 采取有形或无形的纠正行动. 本研究中使用的关于信任的测量问项是根据Mayer, Davis 和 Schoorman (1995) 以及Mayer和Davis (1999)的研究发展起来的. 根据他们的建议, 有关信任的三个方面的研究包括有能力, 善和完整. 根据商业服务这个背景我们调整了原来的问题. 例如, 如 "他/她的专业能力" 已被改为 "当我们讨论我们的产品时销售人员表现出专业能力. "这项研究使用的测量问项不同于在以往的研究中使用的问项(Rotter 1967; Sullivan和Peterson 1982; Dwyer和Oh 1987. 本研究中有关信任的前因后果的测量问项是根据Doney和Cannon (1997)的研究为基础制定的. 根据商业服务这个背景我们调整了原来的问题. 特别是, 问题被设计为对买家和供应商以解决下列因素: 信誉 (诚信, 客户服务, 良好意愿), 市场地位 (公司规模, 市场份额, 在行业中的地位), 愿意定制(产品, 过程, 交付), 信息共享(专有信息, 个人信息), 愿意保持良好关系, 认为专业, 权威授权, 买方与卖方的相似性, 以及接触频率. 作为信任相应的变量, 我们对关系绩效进行了测试. 关系绩效分为有形的影响, 无形影响, 和副作用. 有形的影响包括财务业绩;无形的影响, 包括关系的改善, 网络开发, 以及内部员工的满意度;副作用包括既不是有形影响也不是无形影响的影响. 我们联系了350对公司, 105对公司答复了我们. 由于不完整我们删除了5对公司, 105对公司被用于数据分析. 用于数据分析的回应率为30%(三百五十零分之一百零五), 高于工业营销的平均回复比率. 至于回复的公司的特点, 大多数的公司运作的商业服务既为买方(85.4%)也为供应商(81.8%). 大部分买家是做消费品贸易(76%), 而供应商的大部分(70%)是做工业品贸易. 这可能意味着买家的过程是购入材料, 部件和组件从而生产消费品成品. 正如他们对他们与合作伙伴关系的长度的报告表示, 供应商比买家有更长的商业关系. 假设1测试买方-供应方特点对信任的影响. 销售人员的专业度(t=2.070, p<0.05)和权威授权(t=2.328, p<0.05)积极影响买方对供应方的信任. 另一方面, 权威授权(t=2.192, p<0.05)积极影响供应方对买方的信任. 对买方和供应方来说, 权威授权的程度对保持对彼此的信任有关键作用. 假设2测试买卖双方关系特点对信任的影响. 买家倾向于信任供应方, 因为供应方总是尽全力联系买方(t=2.212, p<0.05)这种倾向性在供应方方面也表现得很强(t=2.591, p<0.01). 另一方面, 供应商对买方的信任是由于供应商感知买家与自己的相似性(t=2.702, p<0.01). 这一发现证实了Crosby, Evans, 和Cowles(1990)的研究结果. 他们的结果表明供应方和买方通过商务或私务的定期会议来建立彼此的联系. 假设3测试信任对感知风险的影响. 结果表明无论对买方还是供应方, 信任越低, 感知风险就越大(买方: t =-6.621, p<0.01; 供应方: t=-2.437, p<0.05). 有趣的是, 这一趋势已被证明对买方更强. 这种较高水平的感知风险的一个可能的解释是在商业服务交易中买方通常比供应方感知到更大的风险. 为此, 有必要对供应商对买方实施减少风险的战略. 假设4测试信任对信息搜集. 根据结果, 对供应方和买方, 与预期相反, 信任取决于他们合作伙伴的名誉(买方t=2.929, p<0.01; 供应方t=2.711, p<0.05). 这一发现表明, 具有良好信誉的供应商往往是可信的. 以往的经验并没有显示出任何与买家或供应商信任的重要关系. 假设5测试信任对供应方/买方选择的影响. 与买方不同, 当供应方认为以往与买方的交易重要时, 供应方倾向信任买方(t=2.913 p<0.01). 但是, 本研究并没有现实资源忠诚和买方对供应方的信任之间有显著关系. 假设6测试的是信任对关系绩效的影响. 对买方和供应方, 当财务表现被报告提高时, 他们比较信任他们的合作伙伴(买方: t=2.301, p<0.05;供应方: t=3.692, p<0.01). 有趣的是, 这种趋势在供应方比较明显. 类似的, 当竞争力被报告提高时, 买卖双方比较信任他们的合作伙伴(买方t=3.563, p<0.01 ; 供应方t=3.042, p<0.01). 对供应方来说, 当对买方信任时效率和生产力会提高(t=2.673, p<0.01). 其他绩效指标与信任没有显著关系. 这项研究结果有一定的战略意义. 首先和最重要的是, 以信任为基础的交易对供应商和买家而言都是有益的. 根据研究证实, 通过努力建立和保持相互信任可以使财务表现提高. 同样, 可以通过同样的努力提高竞争力. 第二, 以信任为基础的交易能够减少购买情况中的感知风险. 这对供应商和买家都有启示. 人们普遍认为, 在一个高度参与的采购情况中买家感知到更高的风险. 为了减少风险, 以往的研究已建议供应商制定降低风险的策略. 而本研究的特点是从双边角度关注知觉风险. 换言之, 供应商也容易存在风险, 特别是当他们提供的服务, 需要非常先进的技术, 操作和维护. 因此, 购买者和供应商必须一起密切合作解决问题. 因此, 相互信任在问题解决过程中起着关键作用. 第三, 在这项研究中发现, 销售人员有更多的授权, 他或她越被信任. 这一发现从战术角度看是非常重要的. 建立信任是一个长期的任务, 然而, 当互信尚未开发, 供应商能够通过授权销售人员做出某些决定来克服遇到的问题, 这一结论也适用于供应商.

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