• Journal of the Korea Safety Management & Science
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.51-59
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• 2011

The objective of this study is to develop an evaluation model for the National highway risky areas. Thus, for the purposes of doing this, National highway risky area evaluated targeting to provide determination ranking and suggesting rival-superiority factors as well as under-inferiority factors in ten National highway risky areas. This study developed for modules of risky areas evaluation, using fuzzy set theory and analytic hierarchy process for evaluation model of National highway risky area in transport environment. The preceding studies assess risk analysis through analysis of causal relationships by National highway safety sector not only handles rating scale development suitable for assessment area by referring to accident frequency model but also geometric structures model. As result of this study, this model of Fuzzy Ahp Risk Analysis (FARA) apply for programmable design in real time processing through easily derive strategy for improvement activities to provide a decision-making effectively. Furthermore, this study contributes frame for improvements of National highway construction for renovation's priority strategy as well as future's policy schemes.

• IE interfaces
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.431-440
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• 2012

Since pooling is a popular scheme in many areas to attain operational excellence, many researchers investigated the performance of pooling systems. However, rare research could be found on pooling with game situation which has much applicability to real world phenomenon. We analyze the performance of noncooperative pooling system with two servers having different sharing capacity. We investigate the sensitivity of the advantage of capacity pooling on the variation of system parameters, including sharing capacity numbers, pooling probability, pooling strategy and traffic intensity. As a result, we suggest an efficient control policy which facilitate the performance of pooling in a game situation.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.18 no.10
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• pp.129-136
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to identify the influence of external-social and cultural factors on the perception of corruption in the public society through the Structural Equation Model(SEM) and to seek ways to reduce corruption in the public society. Currently the level of corruption in public sectors that people think is still large, and it is necessary to continuously reduce corruption in public sectors in order to improve national competitiveness. Since one society is a part of a country in system theory and social network theory, public society needs quantitative research in order to find the causes of corruption and solve them. The model was built and the variables were defined in SEM based on 600 questionnaires. As a result of analysis, corruption in public offices has decreased since the implementation of the solicitation and graft law, and socio-cultural factors have had a direct impact on corruption in public offices. The further research area is to seek detailed ways for transforming the education and awareness of civil society across the country in addition to the efforts of the public officials themselves in order to reduce corruption in public offices.

• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.5-36
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• 2014

This article aims to analyze the diplomatic challenges currently facing China as well as the foreign policy the Xi Jinping administration is adopting to address them. With these purposes in mind, it will look into three areas: first, diplomatic tasks confronting the Xi leadership; second, foreign policy that the Xi administration has implemented since the 18th Party Congress in 2012; and third, the prospects for China's foreign policy under the Xi leadership. As the Xi Jinping administration entered into office, it has encountered two major diplomatic challenges. One is the searching for a new foreign policy, and the other the restructuring of the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. The Xi administration, during its first year in office, has responded actively to tackle these issues. To begin with, it has attempted to make some adjustments on foreign policy while maintaining the Deng Xiaoping line of foreign policy. One of these modifications is placing emphasis on national "core interest," as illustrated by changes in guideline for maritime conflicts, pushing for building maritime power, and proclamation of Air Defense Identification Zone in the East China Sea. Second is the decision on the new guideline for peripheral diplomacy. That is, the administration regarded creating peaceful and stable environments to realize "Chinese Dream" as an important goal of foreign policy, and proposed such new guiding ideology as "familiarity, integrity, benefit, and accommodation." In additoin, the Xi administration restructured the existing foreign affairs and national security systems. Establishing the Central State Security Committee and the Internet Leading Small Group (LSG) are cases in point. As comprehensive organizations for policy coordination that encompass party, government, and military, the two LSGs are in charge of enacting related policies and fine-tuning policy implementation, based upon leadership consisting of chiefs of each relevant organs. Moreover, since Xi himself became the chief of these two newly-found organs, the conditions under which these LSGs could demonstrate unified leadership and adjusting role in its implementation of military, diplomatic, and security policies were developed. The future Chinese diplomacy will be characterized with three main trends. First, peripheral diplomacy will be reinforced. The peripheral diplomacy has become far more important since the Work Conference on Peripheral Diplomacy in October 2013. Second, economic diplomacy will be strengthened with an eye on reducing the "China Threat Theory," which still exists in Asia. Third, the policies to isolate the Philippines and Japan will continue in regard to maritime disputes. All in all, Chinese diplomacy in the Xi Jinping era is likely to feature practical diplomacy which combines both hard and soft approaches to best realize Chinese national interest.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.12
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• pp.144-177
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• 2000

Our nation have several procedures and law for national airspace management, however those procedures and law not enough to manage airspace. Therefore, I have studied this paper for improving flight safety and for providing economics flight of civcil aircraft and military aircraft, also, for increasing efficiency of airspace through systematic airspace management, additionally, for improving nation defense ability and for preventation our nation damage when occuring airspace problem. Nowaday. in using airspace. two theory which freely use theory and use theory under jurisdiction is opposed by every nation in worldwide. Consequently. we can realize every nation endeavour to increase their jurisdiction airspace. However. our nation is not still prepared to cope with other nation when occuring airspace trouble. because airspace definition is not prescribed on our aviation law. Therefore. several problems which are improved in our airspace management are presented on this paper. The presented matters are as follows. First, The airspace definition is not prescribed on aviation law and responsibility limit of airspace management is ambugious. Second. problem on structure of approach control area and special airspace, Third. problem on airway system. Fourth. civil agency and military agency apply respectively different regulation in establishment of aircraft flight route, To grasp these problems, considered the airspace conception, airspace classfication. legal character of airspace. our nation airspace state and management together with other nation airspace state and management. also compared our nation airspace management with other nation airspace management. And. improvement methods to solve problems which was appeared by comparing and analysis are presented on this paper.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.313-342
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• 2018

Gubong Song Ik-pil could not behave according to his aspiration directly due to restrictions in his social standing. Despite that, he actually did so indirectly through either close friends or younger students by exhibiting 'cheobyeonwigwon (處變爲權) with the goal of jichijuui (至治主義). He insisted on people-oriented politics grounded on cheonmyeongsasang (天命思想) and also suggested the humbleness of the royal family and jinhyulchaek (賑恤策) based on love of the people. In addition, he promoted public welfare and stability to enhance patriotism and also insisted on the policy of strengthening national defense with seoeolgongsacheon (庶?公私賤)'s provision of military service through the enforcement of yangcheonjongbujongmobeop (良賤從父從母法). Also, according to the letter sent to Lee San-bo, he suggested public service ethics, for instance, personally, getting rid of ulterior motives, exhibiting diligence, integrity, and wisdom, and doing one's utmost to handle tasks fairly without causing any problems and externally, being actively involved in managing and utilizing persons of ability and also relieving the poor and managing masters as well. In brief, we can assume that Song Ik-pil's thought of statecraft (經世思想) is the concrete methodology to reach the politics of kingcraft called 'jichi (至治)' by stabilizing public welfare grounded on benevolent and benign administration. He is often compared to Jegalryang on account of his innate qualities and cleverness. He was equipped with the excellent capacity of gyeongse even referred to as the moju (謀主) of four persons, Yi Yi, Seong Hon, Jeong Cheol, and Lee Gwi, and harshly criticized as a slick evil (奸鬼), too. His gyeongsesasang, however, ended up being incomplete due to restrictions in his social status. He was a person who loved the people more than anyone else, kept suggesting innovative reform plans to stabilize the people's lives, and was capable of practicing them all. His ideal of jichi was left unfulfilled, however.

• Strategy21
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• s.32
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• pp.192-221
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• 2013

In order to deal with the current economic crisis, the U.S. government, as a part of its austerity fiscal policy, implemented a budget sequester. The sequester will hit the U.S. defense budget the hardest, and as a result will most likely put the security of the international community in jeopardy. The U.S. will have to cut 46 billion dollars from its original 525 billon defense spending in 2013. And by the year 2022, will have to cut 486.9 billion dollars. Such an astronomical decrease in the U.S. defense spending will inevitably burden the friendly nations. According to recent studies, pirate related incidents in Somalia, where piracy is most active, has declined from its 226 incidents to 76 incidents per year in 2012, a 66% drop from previous years'. However, piracy threats as well as those related to firearms still remain and thus participants of anti-piracy operations, namely the U.S., U.K., France, Canada, NCC, EUNAVFOR, and NATO, are facing a problem of declining forces. Considering the current situation as well as rising expectations from the international community, Republic of Korea, a supporter of NCC's maritime security operation, not to mention its foremost duty of securing its sea, is at a stage to re-examine its operational picture. Such action will be a good opportunity for Republic of Korea to build the trust and live up to the international community's expectation. To quote from the network theory, although in relation to other friendly nations participating in the anti-piracy operation, Republic of Korea currently remains at a single cell level, this opportunity will certainly develop Korea to a 'node' nation in which power and information would flow into. Through this expansion of operational capability, Republic of Korea will be able to exert more influence as a more developed nation. Currently however, not only is the single 4,500 ton class destroyer deployed in Somalia a limited unit to further expand the scale and amount of force projection in the area, but also the total of six 4,500 ton class destroyers ROK feet possess is at a high fatigue degree due to standard patrolling operations, midshipman cruise and the RIMPAC exercise. ROK fleet therefore must consider expanding the number of ships deployed along with either deploying combat support ships or constructing logistics support site in the African region. Thus, by expanding its operational capabilities and furthermore by abiding to the rightful responsibilities of a middle power nation, Republic of Korea will surely earn its respect among the members of the international community.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.97-114
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• 2017

This article aims for searching the clue of North Korea nuke-problem by understanding it contextually. We must see this from the beginning as many trials in settling the problem have failed. North Korea nuke-problem is related to the change of international implication as well as the domestic process of its development. At first, it started from the regime survival, which evolved with the effect of learning. During the Cold War, its development had combined the principle of 'self-defense' because of Sino-Russia conflict. Particularly, its meaning varied dramatically due to the collapse of Cold War system plus the advent of post-Cold War system. North Korea nuclear program has became a global problem based on the deterioration of North Korea's security milieu and Bush administration's policy. Therefore, the area of common solution for NK nuke-problem must be found in the context of regime survival and the change of its meaning by continual convergence effort.

• The Journal of Korea Robotics Society
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.308-315
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• 2023

Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022. Many military experts predicted that Russia could defeat Ukraine within a week, but the Ukraine-Russia War has not been going as expected. Indeed, Ukraine military has been defending well and seems to fight more efficiently than Russian military. There are many reasons for this unexpected situation and one apparent thing is due to artificial intelligence (AI) technologies. This study focused on AI-enabled combats that the Armed Forces of Ukraine has carried out around Siverskyi Donets River, the Crimean Peninsula, and suburbs of Kyiv. For more systematic analysis, the revolution in military affairs (RMA) theory was applied. There are four significant implications inferred by studying current Ukraine-Russia War. First, AI technologies are effective even in the current status and seems to be more influential. Second, hyper-connected network by satellite communications must be needed to enhance the AI weapon effects. Third, military AI technologies should be based on the civil-military cooperation to keep up with pace of technological innovation. Fourth, AI ethics in military should be seriously considered and established in the use of AI technologies. We expect that this study could help ROK Armed Forces to be modernized in the revolutionary fashion, especially for manned and unmanned teaming (MUM-T) system.