• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.1-15
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• 2022

The global cod market is supposed to have weak structure with a high dependence on the supply of Russia, the United States, Norway, and China. The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly disrupted the cod supply chain for the worse. Fish processing facilities in China stopped their operation, and cod demand declined due to shrinking consumption in Europe. The position of South Korea as an intermediary trade country between Russia and China strengthened due to the U.S.-China trade war and the Atlantic cod decrease in 2019. However, this global cod supply chain collapse has caused South Korea to export accumulated cod to Indonesia and Vietnam at a bargain price, showing that South Korea was unable to cope with this supply chain crisis. The primary purpose of this study is to investigate changes in the global cod supply chain and their impacts on the intermediary trade of South Korea caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. It also aims to provide implications by analyzing advanced cases in Denmark. As the cod supply chain crisis countermeasures, this study suggests that South Korea develop high value-added marine products, gain competitive advantages by solidifying the value chains of related countries, and activate export by discovering alternative markets in terms of the supply chain of the cod industry.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.22
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• pp.77-106
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• 2003

As globalization of communication is going on and as the media have become increasingly central to the world economy, media policy matters have become the province of world economic organizations like the IMF and the WTO. The WTO service negotiation is focused primarily on the discriminatory and quantitative barriers associated with the trade of audiovisual services. Domestic measures such as subsidization, content regulation including quotas, and licensing requirements and restrictions on foreign ownership and control are at issues here. These measures have been successfully implemented by countries wishing to withstand competition from the American audiovisual industry. The debate about trade in audiovisual services is permeated by the unstated assumption that these programs are pure commodities whose production, distribution, exhibition and in turn, values are solely determined by the market forces. It is therefore presumed that liberalization of trade in audiovisual services will benefit all, serving cultural pluralism and diversity as well as economic efficiency. However, this assumption is not shared by developing countries, the recipients of U.S. television material. They argue audiovisual sector requires a social and cultural approach, since it plays a key role in the preservation of people's identity and social bonds. They claim that it is the each state's right to define its media policy and to implement it through the means it considers fit. These clashing views over the nature of the audiovisual material and the ways in which protect cultural pluralism and diversity do not confine to be the realm of theoretical debate. Each state's interest and motivation to protect its local industry and to have a competitive advantage in the international market is working in this battle. Consolidation with the countries like Australia, Canada, and EU nations, in favour of cultural exemption, seems to be the best policy for us. However, we are not entirely free from the WTO pressures, considering relation to the U. S. This study analyzes Korean Broadcasting Law compared with those of other OECD countries and tries to propose some strategical guidelines facing WTO service negotiation in the area of broadcasting.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.151-182
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• 2019

Rise of China has correspondingly seen increased Chinese involvement at global stage and regional levels in different parts of the world. This has attracted claims of strategic competition and rivalry between China and U.S., as China is said to be working towards replacing hitherto U.S. influence. Consequently there have been calls for U.S. to counter increased Chinese involvement to safeguard U.S. influences and interests. This study aims to contribute to this debate by examining the extent to which increased Chinese involvement in Africa has, if any, supplanted U.S. strategic interests in the continent. The study contends that, Chinese involvement in Africa has entailed China creating own niche that does not necessary threaten U.S. interests in the continent as widely portrayed and imagined. This is premised on the fact that, U.S. has historically had relatively minimal strategic interests in Africa as compared to other more strategic parts of the world that China could significantly threaten. Seen in this way, increased Chinese penetration in Africa has not had immediate threats to U.S. core strategic interests, thus explaining U.S. measured response to counter Chinese presence in Africa.

• Journal of Dairy Science and Biotechnology
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.43-56
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• 1996

The world dairy industry has been driving their dairy policy on the basis of the self-supportihg principle. With progressing the GATT negotiation, the objective production amount has been reduced to maintain the optimum level, which decreasing the extra supply and over-stock before the U.R talks. The Oceania countries, where has the price competition capability, are continually increasing the milk production amount. Even through the USA is trying to increase their production amount with new export policy, the U.S.S.R collapse-down caused to decrease the milk production in world-wide basis. Because the U.S.S.R produced the highest amount of milk in the world. Moreover Europe Union countries, which recorded the half amount of dairy products in the world was decreasing their milk production. Therefore, about 4% of shortage is encountering at major dairy production countries in the standpoint of supply and demand. The drastic increasement of foreign dairy product import affects the domestic dairy industry with raw milk replacement and new dairy food demands creation since 1995, the initial period of free import system. Now, the domestic dairy industry are facing the inevitable problems such as the correction of producting and processing system. First of all, our dairy industry should resettle down the dairy production structure on the basis of self-supply of raw milk and offer the accurate dairy food informations. We still need to improve the raw milk quality. Also, more efforts are needed to have proper raw milk price policy. General domestic policies including the settlement of raw milk supply and demand, the reliability of inspection system in raw milk, ideal raw milk price system, centralization of raw milk collection, specially separated dairy organization should be improved legally in our dairy industry.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.81-94
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• 1990

Illegal transactions such as blackmarketing and smuggling allegedly result from too restrictive trade policies. A recent U.S. Senate hearing on the blackmarketing of American goods imported into Korea for the purpose of supporting United States troops and their dependents stationed in Korea concluded with the allegation that Korea's highly restrictive trade practices are responsible for the emergence of the black market. It has also suggested that the removal of such restrictive trade policies would eliminate black market activities. This study addresses the relationship between trade policy and blackmarketing by investigating whether trade liberalization results in the reduction of illegal transactions, and whether the eradication of blackmarketing indeed improves social welfare. When both legally imported goods and illegally exchanged items command the same price, trade liberalization, meaning a decrease in tariff rates or an increase in import quotas, will increase the quantity of legal imports at the expense of illegally transacted goods on the black market. But the price of legally imported goods usually differs from that of illegally sold ones. In this case, a change in the relative prices of these two groups of goods due to a change in trade policy will give rise to income, as well as substitution, effects. Initially, a decrease in the import price due to a decrease in import tax rates or an increase in the allotted quota will reduce illegal transactions, since the decrease in the import price will induce the substitution of legal imports for illegally exchanged, but otherwise, identical goods. On the other hand, the demand for the illegally transacted goods will rise, because of the income effect of the reduced import price. Thus, assuming the positive income effect overwhelms the negative substitution effect, the demand for illegal goods will increase, thwarting the reduction of blackmarketing through trade liberalization. Yet, stepping up the enforcement measures which are geared to preventing blackmarketing itself will drastically reduce the extent of illegal transactions, since it increases the cost of blackmarketing and hence the price of the illegally transacted goods. What this study suggests is that the emergence of the black market in Korea should be attributed more to the excessive supply of duty-free goods imported through U.S. commissaries and exchanges than to the excessive demand for foreign goods. On the other hand, blackmarketing, in most cases, improves economic welfare, since it constitutes an increase in the "actual" amount of imported goods. Suppressing blackmarketing through stepped-up enforcement methods is beneficial only when the substitution effect of the legally transacted goods resulting from the increase in the price of the illegal goods prevails, since the increase in the demand for legal imports must override the decrease in the demand for black market goods as well as the negative income effect.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.14 no.3_1
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• pp.35-44
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• 2014

It has been shown that the lack of sufficient defense industry cooperation between Korea and the US. The severe imbalance in defense trade between tow countries and Korea's weak defense industrial base has been a problem. This paper suggests the enhancement of defense industry cooperation with the US as a defense policy. The US policy has been changed to utilize the globalization of defense industries. The following cases were analyzed to show the policy change; The security of supply arrangement with 6 countries, the defense cooperation treaty with the United Kingdom and Australia. the defense Memorandum of Understanding with 23 countries, and the international cooperation with 8 countries for F-35 JSF program. Korea government needs to sign a defense MOU with U.S. and the defense industries are recommended to increase the opportunities of weapon system co-development and co-production. So that the Korea defense industry may improve competitiveness and to overcome the current weaknesses.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.212-235
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• 2021

In spite of the increasing popularity of the Ricardian model for the study of the impact of climate change on agriculture, there has been few attempts to examine the role of interregional spillovers in this framework and all of them rely on geographical proximity-based weighting schemes. We remedy to this gap by focusing on the spatial externalities of surface water flow used for irrigation purposes and demonstrate that farmland value, the usual dependent variable used in the Ricardian framework, is a function of the climate variables experienced locally and in the upstream locations. This novel approach is tested empirically on a spatial panel model estimated across the counties of the Southwest USA over 1997-2012. This region is one of the driest in the country, hence its agriculture relies heavily on irrigated surface water. The results highlight how the weather conditions in upstream counties significantly affect downstream agriculture, thus the actual impact of climate change on agriculture and subsequent adaptation policies cannot overlook the streamflow network anymore.

• THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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• v.44
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• pp.111-180
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• 2009

According to English law, in a voyage policy there is an implied warranty that at the commencement of the voyage the ship shall be seaworthy for the purpose of the particular adventure to be insured. However, Unites States law affords the implied warranty of seaworthiness a great deal of latitude. In the case of voyage policies, it has been traditionally held that the assured is bound not only to have his vessel seaworthy at the commencement of the voyage but also to keep her so, insofar as this can be achieved by himself and his agents, throughout the voyage. Additionally, a defect in seaworthiness, arising after the commencement of the risk, and permitted to continue from bad faith or want of ordinary prudence or diligence on the part of the insured or his agents, discharges the insurer from liability for any loss consequent to such bad faith, or want of prudence or diligence; but does not affect the insurance contract in reference to any other risk or loss covered by the policy, and which is not caused or exacerbated by the aforementioned defect. One of the most important areas of difference in the marine insurance contract between the U.K. and U.S. is the breach of warranty. Prior to the Wilburn Boat case, the MIA was thought to hold that the effect of a breach of warranty was similar under American law -in that under the general maritime law literal compliance with all promissory warranties is required. In this case, the Court concluded that state law should apply to a marine insurance policy, and found that there was no federal rule addressing the consequences of a breach of warranty in marine polices. However, it is of the utmost importance that this case brought to a close the imperative concordance between English and American law. Meanwhile, in relation to marine insurance contracts in Korea, this insurance is subject to English law and practice;, additionally, the international trade volume between Korea and the United States has assumed a vast scale. Therefore, we believe it is important to understand the differences in marine insurance law between the two countries in terms of marine insurance contracts, and most specifically warranties.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.