• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.291-322
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• 2018

This research aims to cast light upon security characteristics of the Peace Line, which have been underestimated. To understand maritime order and maritime security policy of the Republic of Korea between 1950 and 1970, it is necessary to analyze the Peace Line as line of defence and to investigate its character This research begins with analyzation of historical facts and investigation on security characteristics of the Peace Line. It goes further to examination of legal justification of the Peace Line, which was one of international legal issues of the period, principally regarding its security characteristics. As results of the study, it could be said that the security characteristics of the Peace Line was the line of defensive waters, which set its goal mainly to prevent infiltration of communist spies. The Peace Line had practical effect as it functioned as a base line of the ROK Navy to take anti-spy operation. At the early phase of the Korea-Japan Negotiation, the Korea delegation interpreted significance of the Peace Line passively. After abrogation of Clark Line, the delegation, however, became positive to maintain the Peace Line and its security characteristics. Security characteristics of the Peace Line was recognized again, as it became the base line of special maritime zone which was made in 1972. Through analysis on international law, it is concluded that the Peace Line was fair as a part of the right of self-defense against indirect aggression. North Korea attempted indirect aggression mainly from sea way, and these might undermine peace and cause urgent and unjust damage on the ROK. Thus the ROK's action of anti-spy operation through the Peace Line can be justifiable as considering the right of self-defence. Also the Peace Line accorded with principles of necessity, immediacy and proportionality. As it was argued on the above, the Peace Line as line of defence was one of the most significant factor in the ROK's maritime security history from the Hot war against communist forces to Cold war period after Korean War and must not be underestimated.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.6
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• pp.638-651
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• 2022

Last year, a new perception of the right to peace on the Korean Peninsula was adopted: DMZ Yanggu Peace Declaration 2021. The Declaration reflects that there is a raising of necessity for a new perception and approach from the perspective of DMZ-related laws, sustainable ecological environment and security. Gangwon is making considerable efforts to make the border area in DMZ as an area of peace by continuously enhancing publicity on the establishment of the 'Peace Special Self-Governing Province'. This study suggests the necessity of a paradigm shift towards the significance of the interkorean border region that it should function as a passage between the South and the North rather than a dam. For, to be renewed as a sustainably developing region through newly constructed flow of communication, the wall of hostility must preliminarily fall dawn. Then a question arises about how Gangwon is, out of other border region, most eligible for the reconsideration of its significance as a border area. The answer relies on the newly established agenda and understandings towards the right to peace in the perspective of founding the policy for the Unification of the Korean Peninsula. Furthermore, the conservation of DMZ ecological environment through enlistment of UNESCO Biosphere Reserve should go hand in hand with the ultimate value of global agenda of the conservation and protection of the environment. The study insists that the peace zone is a prerequisite for the adaption of the era of future-oriented glocalization featured by the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Up to this date, the border area was an area of pain and agony. It is time for Gangwon to be reborn as an area of peace and coexistence. The aim of this study is to point a direction for Gangwon to become a sustainably developing region by illuminating the value of the Gangwon border area as a new area of peace.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.163-202
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• 2020

This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.19
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• pp.193-211
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• 2005

Korean religionist have actively participated in the movements of national security and peace, human rights and dignity, freedom and equal rights, and other social issues. Recently, either progressive or conservative religionists have strongly shown their different approaches in solving social issues, i.e., national security and peace in connection of 'national security law.' A few religious leaders' public views have been misused by some politicians. It is important for both the religionists and journalists in religious newspapers how to bring a harmonious resolution among the people who are either in conservatism or in progressivism. Social participation of religionists is both to respond to the timely situation of civil society and to realize freedom, equality, and peace to the society. Although the principle of the separation of religion and state was established to secure both the right of politics and the freedom of beliefs, political groups have either utilized or suppressed religions. Some politicians have also wrongly applied separation of religion and state by excluding religious aspects in public schools. Religionists and journalists of the religious newspapers should not provide one-sided prejudice but to provide objective information and its righteous analysis to guide people in the right direction to solve social problems. Also, religious newspapers should open a field of discussion how to resolve some issues between the 'national security law' and freedom.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.164-189
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• 2013

Last December, the Abe government came back, and it is critical core of Northeast Asia. They visited to Yasukuni Shrine, denied to Korea's invasion and they are denying all of their invasion history. I'm afraid they want to take Dokdo. Dokdo is Korean territory, but Japan politics assert it belongs to them. To make matters worse, they are waiting an opportunity to invade. Ministry of Foreign Affair blue paper and Ministry of Defense white paper have claimed Dokdo as Japanese territory, and many right wing politicians are taking part in the Cabinet. Liberal Democratic Party of Japan is becoming more right wing politicians than before by Japan Restoration Party, and the others also have more right wing ideologies. It can't control Japan right wing political parties. They finally aim to take Dokdo. In this situation, we have to defend Dokdo. Japan must be very important partner for our nation's development. But it is necessary to trust between two countries. Dokdo is effective controlled by Korea. It is the best way how to keep Dokdo. During Dokdo is effective controlled by Korea, the Japanese Government has limited Dokdo's ownership. Now we don't have any way to keep Dokdo except more effective control. We have strategies about Japanese claim of Dokdo's ownership as follows. First, we can overpower Japan right wing politics as Japan conscientious force's ideology. Second, Japan politics say to Dokdo's ownership is based on The San Francisco Treaty. But it is not right. Third, we have to exchange a lot of local government and civic society in Japan. Finally, we must prepare thoroughly to bring the matter to the International Court of Justice.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.514-540
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• 2013

Today human rights are the most complex and prominent issue in the system of international law, and the right to housing(housing right) is also recognized as a basic human right in the international human right instruments including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This study targets to comprehensive review of the housing rights provisions with 85 international human rights laws and instruments. And the contents and characteristics of housing rights are analyzed with categorization based on housing rights in general, housing rights of workers, socially vulnerable groups, international regional organizations. Housing right takes also the features of universality, indivisibility, interdependence, and right to adequate housing should be interpreted with holistic view including legal security of tenure, accessibility, affordability, location beyond ensuring just a physical housing space. Approaches to the housing right comprehensively reflect the view of the right to development, the perspective of gender equality, the principle of non-discrimination, the participation rights, and orient the housing right should be seen as the right to live somewhere in security(safety), peace and dignity.

• The korean journal of orthodontics
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.56-63
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• 2012

Objective: To identify the right and left difference of the facial soft tissue landmarks three-dimensionally from the subjects of normal occlusion individuals. Materials and Methods: Cone-beam computed tomography (CT) scans were obtained in 48 normal occlusion adults (24 men, 24 women), and reconstructed into 3-dimensional (3D) models by using a 3D image soft ware. 3D position of 27 soft tissue landmarks, 9 midline and 9 pairs of bilateral landmarks, were identified in 3D coordination system, and their right and left differences were calculated and analyzed. Results: The right and left difference values derived from the study ranged from 0.6 to 4.6 mm indicating a high variability according to the landmarks. In general, the values showed a tendency to increase according to the lower and lateral positioning of the landmarks in the face. Overall differences were determined not only by transverse differences but also by sagittal and vertical differences, indicating that 3D evaluation would be essential in the facial soft tissue analysis. Conclusions: Means and standard deviations of the right and left difference of facial soft tissue landmarks derived from this study can be used as the diagnostic standard values for the evaluation of facial asymmetry.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.31-63
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the attitudes and practices of life demanded for authentic existence in adversity, focusing on Toni Morrison's Home which was published in 2012. Home portrays the journey of Frank Money, an African-American veteran of the Korean War who strives to extricate his sister Cee from inhumane violence. Through this work, Morrison criticizes prevalent racism in the 1950s which is regarded as a time of affluence and peace through this sibling's agony. In this paper, firstly I attempt to examine the aspects of racism which Frank and Cee face and their distorted survival strategies. Secondly I try to find the right direction of brother and sister relationship based on Frank and Cee who are compared to Hansel and Gretel. Thirdly I try to point out the importance of self-reflection required for the healing process of Frank and Cee who overcome adversity and restore their identity with the help of Samaritans. And I investigate the possibility of ethical practice going beyond my family to strangers.

• Imaging Science in Dentistry
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.93-97
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• 2010

This report was to show the radiographic appearances of the fungus ball in a paranasal sinus and to emphasize the scan area of cone beam computed tomography (CBCT) to detect the calcification in the paranasal sinus. A seventyfour-year-old woman visited our department for the implant rehabilitation at both maxillary posterior edentulous region. Pre-operative radiographic examinations including the panoramic, CBCT, and multidector CT images were taken. An opacification in the right maxillary sinus was observed on the multiplanar image of CBCT, however the pre-determined scan area of CBCT in this report hardly showed the calcifications at the central portion of the maxillary sinus. The opacification in the maxillary sinus could be misdiagnosed as chronic maxillary sinusitis if the calcification of fungus ball was not simultaneously detected. The scan area of pre-operative CBCT needs to be enough to scan the paranasal sinus from top to bottom.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.133-141
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• 2013

After Presidential Declaration of Korea's Rights in the Surrounding Seas(Lee, Seung-Man Line), Japanese government objected to the Korean government's Declaration of the Peace Line. Japan didn't agree with Korean's ownership of Dokdo and has tried to develop the Dokdo issue into an international dispute and solved it by resorting the International Court of Justice(ICJ) since 1954. As mentioned before, ICJ doesn'thave the right of compulsory jurisdiction of ownership of Dokdo between Korea and Japan. Therefore, we don'thave to agree with Japan's suggestion of bringing a case to ICJ to solve the Dokdo issue. It is not the best way to maintain the international peace judging by ICJ as well. When Japan try to institute case unilaterally, We should remember that it is possible to give the expanding jurisdiction to the ICJ. It is the best way that solving the dispute of Dokdo is to establish the sovereignty over Dokdo while strengthen the control the Dokdo effectively. In conclusion, no matter how Japan claims ownership of Dokdo, it cannot be subject to negotiation.