• Strategy21
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• 통권44호
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• pp.291-322
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• 2018

This research aims to cast light upon security characteristics of the Peace Line, which have been underestimated. To understand maritime order and maritime security policy of the Republic of Korea between 1950 and 1970, it is necessary to analyze the Peace Line as line of defence and to investigate its character This research begins with analyzation of historical facts and investigation on security characteristics of the Peace Line. It goes further to examination of legal justification of the Peace Line, which was one of international legal issues of the period, principally regarding its security characteristics. As results of the study, it could be said that the security characteristics of the Peace Line was the line of defensive waters, which set its goal mainly to prevent infiltration of communist spies. The Peace Line had practical effect as it functioned as a base line of the ROK Navy to take anti-spy operation. At the early phase of the Korea-Japan Negotiation, the Korea delegation interpreted significance of the Peace Line passively. After abrogation of Clark Line, the delegation, however, became positive to maintain the Peace Line and its security characteristics. Security characteristics of the Peace Line was recognized again, as it became the base line of special maritime zone which was made in 1972. Through analysis on international law, it is concluded that the Peace Line was fair as a part of the right of self-defense against indirect aggression. North Korea attempted indirect aggression mainly from sea way, and these might undermine peace and cause urgent and unjust damage on the ROK. Thus the ROK's action of anti-spy operation through the Peace Line can be justifiable as considering the right of self-defence. Also the Peace Line accorded with principles of necessity, immediacy and proportionality. As it was argued on the above, the Peace Line as line of defence was one of the most significant factor in the ROK's maritime security history from the Hot war against communist forces to Cold war period after Korean War and must not be underestimated.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제22권6호
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• pp.638-651
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• 2022

지난해는 한반도 평화권에 대한 새로운 인식으로 '2021 DMZ양구평화선언문'이 채택되었다. DMZ관련 법과 제도, 지속가능한 생태·환경, 안보·공동체 관점에서 새로운 인식과 접근 등에 관한 필요성이 대두되고 있다. 강원도는 DMZ 접경지역을 평화지역으로 만들기에 상당한 노력을 기울이고 있다. '평화특별자치도' 설치를 위하여 지속적으로 공론화시키고 있다. 이 연구를 통하여 한반도 접경지역이 담의 기능에서 통로의 기능으로의 대전환이 필요함을 제시하였다. 경계의 벽을 허물어 소통의 흐름을 위한 새로운 지평으로 지속발전 가능한 지역으로 나갈 수 있는 토대가 되어야 한다. 한반도 접경지역 중에서 강원도 지역이 왜 평화지역으로 나가야 하는 지에 대하여 주장하였다. 결론은 한반도 통일 정책의 새로운 시각으로 '평화권'에 대한 이해와 아젠다의 정립에 있어서 중요하다. 또한 유네스코 생물권보전지역의 지정을 활용한 DMZ일원의 생태환경 보전의 가치가 미래 지구환경보전이라는 가치와 맞물려야 한다. 평화지역은 한반도를 넘어 범세계화를 위한 미래지향적 글로컬 지역주의 시대를 열어야 한다. 그 방법은 4차 산업혁명의 기술요소 반영이 필요함을 주장하였다. 그동안 접경지역은 아픔과 상처의 피해 지역이었다. 이제 강원도 평화지역은 치유를 통한 평화공존의 지역가치 실현의 공간으로 거듭나야 할 것이다. 이 연구는 강원도 접경지역이 새롭게 평화지역으로서의 가치를 조명하여 지속가능 발전을 위해 나아갈 방향의 제시이다.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.163-202
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• 2020

This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제19권
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• pp.193-211
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• 2005

Korean religionist have actively participated in the movements of national security and peace, human rights and dignity, freedom and equal rights, and other social issues. Recently, either progressive or conservative religionists have strongly shown their different approaches in solving social issues, i.e., national security and peace in connection of 'national security law.' A few religious leaders' public views have been misused by some politicians. It is important for both the religionists and journalists in religious newspapers how to bring a harmonious resolution among the people who are either in conservatism or in progressivism. Social participation of religionists is both to respond to the timely situation of civil society and to realize freedom, equality, and peace to the society. Although the principle of the separation of religion and state was established to secure both the right of politics and the freedom of beliefs, political groups have either utilized or suppressed religions. Some politicians have also wrongly applied separation of religion and state by excluding religious aspects in public schools. Religionists and journalists of the religious newspapers should not provide one-sided prejudice but to provide objective information and its righteous analysis to guide people in the right direction to solve social problems. Also, religious newspapers should open a field of discussion how to resolve some issues between the 'national security law' and freedom.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.164-189
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• 2013

Last December, the Abe government came back, and it is critical core of Northeast Asia. They visited to Yasukuni Shrine, denied to Korea's invasion and they are denying all of their invasion history. I'm afraid they want to take Dokdo. Dokdo is Korean territory, but Japan politics assert it belongs to them. To make matters worse, they are waiting an opportunity to invade. Ministry of Foreign Affair blue paper and Ministry of Defense white paper have claimed Dokdo as Japanese territory, and many right wing politicians are taking part in the Cabinet. Liberal Democratic Party of Japan is becoming more right wing politicians than before by Japan Restoration Party, and the others also have more right wing ideologies. It can't control Japan right wing political parties. They finally aim to take Dokdo. In this situation, we have to defend Dokdo. Japan must be very important partner for our nation's development. But it is necessary to trust between two countries. Dokdo is effective controlled by Korea. It is the best way how to keep Dokdo. During Dokdo is effective controlled by Korea, the Japanese Government has limited Dokdo's ownership. Now we don't have any way to keep Dokdo except more effective control. We have strategies about Japanese claim of Dokdo's ownership as follows. First, we can overpower Japan right wing politics as Japan conscientious force's ideology. Second, Japan politics say to Dokdo's ownership is based on The San Francisco Treaty. But it is not right. Third, we have to exchange a lot of local government and civic society in Japan. Finally, we must prepare thoroughly to bring the matter to the International Court of Justice.

• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제19권3호
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• pp.514-540
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• 2013

오늘날 인권은 국제법 체계에서 가장 복잡하면서도 두드러진 쟁점이며, 주거권도 세계인권선언을 비롯하여 국제인권규범에서 기본인권으로 인정되고 있다. 본 연구는 85개 국제인권법 및 인권규범을 대상으로 인권으로서 주거권 규정을 종합적으로 검토한다. 주거권 일반, 노동자의 주거권, 사회적 취약집단의 주거권, 국제지역기구의 주거권으로 나누어 국제규범에 나타난 주거권의 내용과 특징을 분석한다. 주거권은 보편성, 불가분성, 상호의존성이라는 인권일반의 성격을 마찬가지로 가지고 있으며, 적절한 주거권이란 단순한 물리적 공간의 보장이라는 의미를 넘어 점유의 법적 안정성, 생활편익시설의 이용가능성, 비용의 적정성, 입지의 적합성 등 총체적인 의미로 해석하고 있다. 다양한 규범에 나타난 주거권에 대한 접근은 발전권적 관점, 양성평등의 관점, 차별금지의 원칙, 참여권적 관점 등을 종합적으로 반영하고 있으며, 인간존엄 및 안정과 평화 속에서 주거생활을 향유하는 것을 지향하고 있다.

• 대한치과교정학회지
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• 제42권2호
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• pp.56-63
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• 2012

Objective: To identify the right and left difference of the facial soft tissue landmarks three-dimensionally from the subjects of normal occlusion individuals. Materials and Methods: Cone-beam computed tomography (CT) scans were obtained in 48 normal occlusion adults (24 men, 24 women), and reconstructed into 3-dimensional (3D) models by using a 3D image soft ware. 3D position of 27 soft tissue landmarks, 9 midline and 9 pairs of bilateral landmarks, were identified in 3D coordination system, and their right and left differences were calculated and analyzed. Results: The right and left difference values derived from the study ranged from 0.6 to 4.6 mm indicating a high variability according to the landmarks. In general, the values showed a tendency to increase according to the lower and lateral positioning of the landmarks in the face. Overall differences were determined not only by transverse differences but also by sagittal and vertical differences, indicating that 3D evaluation would be essential in the facial soft tissue analysis. Conclusions: Means and standard deviations of the right and left difference of facial soft tissue landmarks derived from this study can be used as the diagnostic standard values for the evaluation of facial asymmetry.

• 영미문화
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.31-63
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the attitudes and practices of life demanded for authentic existence in adversity, focusing on Toni Morrison's Home which was published in 2012. Home portrays the journey of Frank Money, an African-American veteran of the Korean War who strives to extricate his sister Cee from inhumane violence. Through this work, Morrison criticizes prevalent racism in the 1950s which is regarded as a time of affluence and peace through this sibling's agony. In this paper, firstly I attempt to examine the aspects of racism which Frank and Cee face and their distorted survival strategies. Secondly I try to find the right direction of brother and sister relationship based on Frank and Cee who are compared to Hansel and Gretel. Thirdly I try to point out the importance of self-reflection required for the healing process of Frank and Cee who overcome adversity and restore their identity with the help of Samaritans. And I investigate the possibility of ethical practice going beyond my family to strangers.

• Imaging Science in Dentistry
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• 제40권2호
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• pp.93-97
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• 2010

This report was to show the radiographic appearances of the fungus ball in a paranasal sinus and to emphasize the scan area of cone beam computed tomography (CBCT) to detect the calcification in the paranasal sinus. A seventyfour-year-old woman visited our department for the implant rehabilitation at both maxillary posterior edentulous region. Pre-operative radiographic examinations including the panoramic, CBCT, and multidector CT images were taken. An opacification in the right maxillary sinus was observed on the multiplanar image of CBCT, however the pre-determined scan area of CBCT in this report hardly showed the calcifications at the central portion of the maxillary sinus. The opacification in the maxillary sinus could be misdiagnosed as chronic maxillary sinusitis if the calcification of fungus ball was not simultaneously detected. The scan area of pre-operative CBCT needs to be enough to scan the paranasal sinus from top to bottom.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.133-141
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• 2013

1952년1월 18일 이승만 대통령의 인접해양의 주권선언이후(평화선언) 일본은 독도에 관한 대한민국의 영유권을 인정하지 않고 이를 한 일간의 영유권에 관한 법적분쟁으로 보고 국제사법재판소에 부탁하여 해결하자고 1954년부터 틈틈이 주장하고 있다. 국제사법재판소는 한 일간의 독도의 영유권 귀속문제에 대해 당연한 관할권을 갖는 것이 아니며 또 대한민국정부는 독도문제해결을 위해 국제사법재판소에 제소하자고 하는 일본의 제의에 합의할 필요가 없다. 특히 대한민국정부는 독도영유권 문제에 대해 일본과의 사전 합의한바 없어 국제사법재판소의 관할권은 인정되지 않는다. 그러나 일본이 일방적으로 국제사법재판소에 제소할 경우 대한민국은 명시적 및 묵시적 동의 등의 국제사법재판소에 확대관할권을 부여하는 결과가 없도록 유념해야 할 것이다. 독도영유권 분쟁의 해결방법으로서 가장 훌륭한 방안은 대한 민국의 주권을 실력으로 행사하면서 독도에 대해 실효적 지배를 보다 강화해 나가는 것이다.