• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.28 no.12
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• pp.267-279
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• 2023

The objective of this paper is to examine the legal framework governing the import and export of grain in China, a pivotal factor in shaping policies aimed at stabilizing South Korea's foreign trade and grain imports. Through this analysis, it is observed that China's foreign trade system, governed by the Foreign Trade Act, exhibits a notable absence of clear delineation regarding the scope and responsibility for the delegation of authority to foreign trade management agencies. In contrast, Korea's Foreign Trade Law, along with its enforcement decree and management regulations, explicitly outlines the scope and responsibilities pertaining to the delegation of authority to foreign trade management. However, in the case of China's revised Foreign Trade Law, there exists a lack of precision in specifying the delegation of authority to foreign trade management. This creates a potential for discretionary intervention by local governments or other administrative bodies. While China's legal system concerning grain imports and exports aligns with WTO regulations in its institutional framework, attention is warranted due to the vagueness in laws or regulations, as well as the presence of irrational and non-transparent procedures during system operation. As conclusion remarks, while China's legal structure related to grain imports and exports conforms to WTO guidelines overall, the identified issues such as legal ambiguity and non-transparent procedures underscore the need for caution. To safeguard against potential challenges in future trade interactions with China, proactive measures are crucial to address these concerns.

• Korean Journal of Plant Resources
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.362-371
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• 2022

This study was conducted to analyze the fragrance characteristics of Cymbidium 'Saelbit' and 'Midan' according to floral organs. As test materials, full bloom flowers were divided into four organs: sepal, petal, labellum, and column. Using the gas chromatography (GC) based electronic nose, fragrance patterns, intensity, and volatile components were analyzed. Principle component analysis (PCA) and discriminant factorial analysis (DFA) plots by electronic nose data showed that volatiles of both cultivars have a distinct difference in fragrance patterns according to the floral organs, and the value of fragrance distance and pattern discrimination index (PDI) between samples was significantly high between control and sepals in both cultivars. Among the main fragrance components, several components including nootkatone were detected in both cultivars and all floral organs. However, few components such as decane were found in specific cultivar or floral organs. These results will provide useful information to select suitable materials with desired fragrance and to enhance the utilization of domestic Cymbidium cultivars. In addition, considering the recent negative perception of artificial ingredients and the growing demand for natural materials, continuous researches on scent properties of promising cultivars are required.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.247-276
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• 2017

The protection of space asset has been new major cause of space militarization. For such purpose, it has been officially announced that a policy of deterring and denying any adversaries from accessing the outer space. Space militarization is to be conversed into a new concept of space weaponization. The USA has announced its policy of space weaponization, while China and Russia have not revealed their plan or policy. Latter States, however, have proposed a draft treaty limiting the deployment of warfare in the outer space. The terms of the Outer Space Treaty, reflecting three significant United Nations General Assembly resolutions from the 1960s, support the position that ground rules must be observed in the exploration and the use of outer space, particularly in the absence of specific space law rules. Yet the combination (and culmination) of these two approaches to the legal regulation of outer space-specific rules as and when agreed by the international community and the translation of principles developed for terrestrial regulation to outer space-still leaves much room for uncertainty and exploitation for military and strategic purposes. As space weaponization may contribute to deterring the use of weapon, it may be not against the UN Charter Article 2(4). If space weaponization might generate the space debris such that the outer space is no more available for exploration and use, it is against the proportionality principle and discrimination principle enshrined in the laws of the war. But, if the limitation upon the kind and use of space weaponization is agreed among the States, then the space weaponization may not be against the laws of the war, and be considered permissible within the rationale of limited war.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.7-21
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• 1983

For the flexible and rational distribution of limited existing health resources based on measurements of individual risk, the socalled Risk Approach is being proposed by the World Health Organization as a managerial tool in maternal and child health care program. This approach, in principle, puts us under the necessity of developing a technique by which we will be able to measure the degree of risk or to discriminate the future outcomes of pregnancy on the basis of prior information obtainable at prenatal care delivery settings. Numerous recent studies have focussed on the identification of relevant risk factors as the Prior infer mation and on defining the adverse outcomes of pregnancy to be dicriminated, and also have tried on how to develope scoring system of risk factors for the quantitative assessment of the factors as the determinant of pregnancy outcomes. Once the scoring system is established the technique of classifying the patients into with normal and with adverse outcomes will be easily de veloped. The scoring system should be developed to meet the following four basic requirements. 1) Easy to construct 2) Easy to use 3) To be theoretically sound 4) To be valid In searching for a feasible methodology which will meet these requirements, the author has attempted to apply the“Likelihood Method”, one of the well known principles in statistical analysis, to develop such scoring system according to the process as follows. Step 1. Classify the patients into four groups: Group $A_1$: With adverse outcomes on fetal (neonatal) side only. Group $A_2$: With adverse outcomes on maternal side only. Group $A_3$: With adverse outcome on both maternal and fetal (neonatal) sides. Group B: With normal outcomes. Step 2. Construct the marginal tabulation on the distribution of risk factors for each group. Step 3. For the calculation of risk score, take logarithmic transformation of relative proport-ions of the distribution and round them off to integers. Step 4. Test the validity of the score chart. h total of 2, 282 maternity records registered during the period of January 1, 1982-December 31, 1982 at Ewha Womans University Hospital were used for this study and the“Questionnaire for Maternity Record for Prenatal and Intrapartum High Risk Screening”developed by the Korean Institute for Population and Health was used to rearrange the information on the records into an easy analytic form. The findings of the study are summarized as follows. 1) The risk score chart constructed on the basis of“Likelihood Method”ispresented in Table 4 in the main text. 2) From the analysis of the risk score chart it was observed that a total of 24 risk factors could be identified as having significant predicting power for the discrimination of pregnancy outcomes into four groups as defined above. They are: (1) age (2) marital status (3) age at first pregnancy (4) medical insurance (5) number of pregnancies (6) history of Cesarean sections (7). number of living child (8) history of premature infants (9) history of over weighted new born (10) history of congenital anomalies (11) history of multiple pregnancies (12) history of abnormal presentation (13) history of obstetric abnormalities (14) past illness (15) hemoglobin level (16) blood pressure (17) heart status (18) general appearance (19) edema status (20) result of abdominal examination (21) cervix status (22) pelvis status (23) chief complaints (24) Reasons for examination 3) The validity of the score chart turned out to be as follows: a) Sensitivity: Group $A_1$: 0.75 Group $A_2$: 0.78 Group $A_3$: 0.92 All combined : 0.85 b) Specificity : 0.68 4) The diagnosabilities of the“score chart”for a set of hypothetical prevalence of adverse outcomes were calculated as follows (the sensitivity“for all combined”was used). Hypothetidal Prevalence : 5％ 10％ 20％ 30％ 40％ 50％ 60％ Diagnosability : 12% 23% 40% 53% 64% 75% 80%.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.36
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• pp.39-69
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• 1998

The study is to grope for the unified device of the women's welfare policy in the United Korea by considering and comparing with the women's welfare in South Korea and North Korea centering on the women's welfare law and system among the social security laws and systems in the present both countries. The both Koreas have enforced the different women's welfare policies according to the different ideologies and constitutions. But in the welfare policy women are in the secondary stage by means of the ideology of sexual devision. It, therefore, is clear that the position of the North Korean woman goes in advance of the South Korean woman in the law and system. However, they are similar to the North Korean women in the aspects of the application of law and system. That is, both of them are discriminated not only in home and labor participation, but also in social welfare. There are the patriarchal family system and sexual devision of labor under the discrimination against woman. As though the both sexes are equal in law, the welfare law and system are applicated unequally to woman because of the ideology of sexual devision and familism which family should take the primary responsibility of welfare. From this perspective the women's welfare policy of the United Korea is not just to unify both laws and systems related women's welfare, but to search for the convergence on the higher level of quality and to make the real gender-equal society. The study suggests as the women's welfare the spread of the application of social welfare system, and social security network constructed through the mother protection policy, women's poverty and social security on basis of the primary principles such as the gender equal right as civil right, benefits of social welfare as social right, escape from the patriarchal familism, strengthening of resposibility of state and the principle of women participation in process of social welfare management. The device of women's welfare means building the social welfare system based on the real gender equality, so the unification will be the important turning point for the gender-equal society to the South-North Korean women.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.31-68
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• 1990

The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.