• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국사회복지학회 2005년도 춘계학술대회자료집
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• pp.651-673
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• 2005

Political participation consciousness of social worker is changed and politics participation activity is putting forth with a bud. Currently, the systematic and scientific approach in study of social worker's the political participation is short. This study analyzes the present situation of political participation action and will present political participation action contents and direction in the future. This study may give practical meaning to the social welfare practice and educational scope about what we must do to become a political influence the group. The object of this study is 1229 people in choosing social welfare politics participation investigation committee data. A participation of Korean social worker appeared that a meeting or a demonstration is high when comparing the United States. Also, electioneers, and, government bureaucrat contact, financial contributions is a half experience. The strong variable in explaining social worker's the political participation was a politics efficacy, politics interest. Political efficacy and politics interest, a joining and a political behavior proposal of an association is a influenced factor. Through this result The Civic Volunteer Model is a theory to able to explain social worker's the political participation. Approach growing the political efficacy and politics interest is very important in activating politics participation. Role of a social welfare association or a group was important in order to induce politics participation and concentrate.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제22권10호
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• pp.57-66
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• 2022

The aim of the article is to investigate socio-political processes in Ukraine on the basis of institutional and behavioral approaches, in particular their regulatory and informational support. Methodology. To determine the nature and content of sociopolitical processes, the following approaches have been used: 1. Institutional approach in order to analyze the development of Ukraine's political institutions. 2. The behavioral approach has been used for the analysis of socio-political processes in Ukraine in the context of political behavior of citizens, their political activity which forms the political culture of the country. Results. The general features of the socio-political situation in Ukraine are as follows: the formed model of government, which can be conditionally described as "presidential"; public demand for new leaders remains at a high level; the society has no common vision of further development; significant tendency of reduction of real incomes of a significant part of the society and strengthening of fiscal pressure on businessmen will get a public response after some time. Increasing levels of voice, accountability, efficiency of governance and the quality of the regulatory environment indicate a slow change in the political system, which will have a positive impact on public sentiment in the future. At the same time, there has been little change in the quality of Ukraine's institutions to ensure political stability, the rule of law and control of corruption. There are no cardinal changes in the development of the institution of property rights, protection of intellectual rights, changes in the sphere of ethics and control of corruption. Thus, Ukraine's political institutions have not been able to bring about any change in the social-political processes. Accordingly, an average level of trust and confidence of citizens in political institutions and negative public sentiment regarding their perception and future change can be traced in Ukraine.

• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
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• 제12권3호
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.

• 한국산학기술학회논문지
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.395-405
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• 2017

본 연구에서는 올바른 정치문화 정착과 형성을 위해 시민들의 정치의식과 정치참여행동의 구조적 관계를 분석하고자 연구를 시도하였다. 이를 분석하기 실증분석을 시도하였고, 이에 따른 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 가설 1인 시민들의 정치의식과 정치신뢰의 관계를 분석한 결과, 선거 의식 수준과 자기 효능감이 높을수록 정치에 대한 만족도와 정치에 대한 평가가 높아졌다. 둘째, 가설 2인 시민들의 정치의식과 사회소속감의 관계를 파악한 결과는 선거 의식 수준과 사회에 대한 인식수준이 높을수록 사회소속감이 높아지는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 가설 3인 정치신뢰가 정치참여 행동에 미치는 영향을 분석한 결과에서 정치 만족도와 정치평가가 높을수록 적극적 정치 참여와 소극적 정치 참여의 참여행동이 높아진 것으로 나타났다. 넷째, 가설 4인 사회소속감이 정치참여행동에 미치는 영향은 시민의 사회소속감이 높을수록 적극적 정치 참여와 소극적 정치 참여의 정치참여 행동 수준이 높아지는 것으로 조사되었다. 따라서 시민들의 선거인식과 정치가에 대한 인식 등 정치의식이 높을수록 정치에 대한 신뢰도와 정치참여행동 역시 긍정적으로 영향을 받는 것을 알 수 있었다.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.86-101
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• 2022

This research aimed at studying the factors that influence new media exposure of political news by youths in Isan society in Thailand. The target group comprised 1,200 individuals, obtained from multi-stage sampling from undergraduate students in Isan's autonomous universities, governmental universities, and private institutions. The data collection tool was a questionnaire, the content of which was validated by experts. The reliability of the tool was tested by the formula for Cronbach's alpha coefficient, which yielded a reliability of 0.83. Multiple regression analysis was applied to analyze the data. The results, regarding factors influencing the channels for political news exposure, showed that channels for political news exposure were mostly influenced by inner drives, followed by importance in political news exposure, influence from social networks, and specific characteristics of the Internet. This could explain the variation of channels for political news exposure at 46.5%. In terms of factors influencing political news selection, it was found that political news selection was influenced mostly from social networks, followed by inner drives, benefits from political news exposure, specific characteristics of the Internet, and the field of study. The variation of the political news selection could be explained at 44.6%. These results elaborate on the current situation in Thailand, especially in Isan region, where youths in higher education are playing an increasing role in demonstrating their political stance through various political activities.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.31-66
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• 2018

This study investigates the mobilizing function of political agreement and disagreement in communition mediated by social media. Analyses of a survey found that reception of news consistent with individual political predispositions through social networking sites (SNS) positively related to political participation, whereas reception of counterattitudinal news was unrelated. Similarly, SNS- based discussion with politically agreeing others predicted political participation, whereas discussion with disagreeing people did not contribute to participation. Moreover, attitude-consistent news reception and agreement in political discussion had interactive influences, as the effects of attitude-consistent news on participation become stronger with increases in discussion with agreement. The results suggest that the mobilizing effects of social media mainly work through political agreement rather than disagreement in communication.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제15권5호
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• pp.179-190
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• 2015

본 연구는 우리 사회에서 나타나는 정치적 소통 현상에 주목하여 소통 만족에 영향을 미치는 요인을 논의하였다. 정치적 소통의 주요 영향요인으로 개인의 정치적 성향과 미디어 이용을 살펴봄으로써 정치 커뮤니케이션 행위와 정치적 소통 만족도를 평가했다. 전국 16개 시도에 거주하는 만19세 이상 성인 1000명을 대상으로 면접원 설문조사를 실시한 결과, 진보적 정치성향은 온라인 미디어 이용이 많았으며, 개인의 의견을 적극 게재하는 '쓰기/대화'의 정치 커뮤니케이션 행위가 소통 만족에 긍정적인 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 반면 보수, 중도적 정치성향은 오프라인 미디어를 주로 이용하였고, 타인의 의견을 살피는 '읽기/시청'의 소극적 정치 커뮤니케이션 행위가 중점적으로 나타났다. 따라서 우리 사회에서 정치적 소통을 원활히 하기 위해서는 시민의 정치적 특성에 대한 이해가 선행되어야 하며, 이에 따른 차별화된 미디어 활용 정치커뮤니케이션이 제고되어야 함을 논의할 수 있었다.

• 치위생과학회지
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• 제23권2호
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• pp.93-102
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• 2023

Background: To investigate political participation by dental hygiene students and analyze the differences therein based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Methods: A total of 239 dental hygiene students who were expected to graduate responded to the survey. The data were collected online using a structured questionnaire consisting of 6 items on general characteristics, 10 on political participation, and 15 on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS 23.0. Political participation based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy was analyzed using independent t-tests, ANOVA, and multiple regression analysis (p<0.05). Results: Among the dental hygiene students, 60.7% voted in all three recent presidential, general, and local elections, and 14.2% did not. For political parties supported, 65.7% responded that they had "no supporting party," and 34.3% indicated that they had a "supporting party." In terms of the level of political participation of dental hygiene students (0~50 points), the average score was 25.8 points, with the average passive political participation (0~25 points) score at 15.6 points and the average active political participation (0~25 points) score at 10.2 points. With an increase in dental hygiene policy learning efficacy, both passive and active political participation showed higher scores (p<0.05). Conclusion: Dental hygiene students showed low political participation. The presence of a supporting party, higher voting participation, and higher learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy were associated with higher passive and active political participation. Therefore, to increase this population's interest in political participation, various opportunities for related learning need to be promoted and provided in academia, leading to the enhancement of their political capabilities. In this manner, dental hygienists should expand their capabilities in various roles such as advocates, policy makers, and leaders.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제22권
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• pp.211-247
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• 2003

본 연구는 재미 한인 이민자들의 교육수준, 체류기간, 영어실력 변인들이 전통 뉴스매체(텔레비전, 신문, 라디오, 시사잡지)와 뉴스 웹 이용에 어떻게 영향을 주고, 전통뉴스매체와 웹 이용은 그들의 정치지식, 정치관심, 정치활동 참여 증진에 유의미한 영향을 미치는 지를 고찰했다. 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 교육, 체류기간, 영어실력 변인들은 주류사회의 전통 뉴스매체의 매개적 역할을 거쳐 한인 이민자들의 정치지식, 정치관심, 정치활동참여를 증진시키는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 한인 이민자들에 의한 미국 뉴스 웹 이용은 주류정치에 대한 관심을 증진시키는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 한국어 전통 뉴스매체 이용 역시 주류정치에 대한 관심을 증진시키는 것으로 나타났다. 넷째, 한국어 뉴스 웹사이트 이용은 정치사회화에 유의미한 역할을 하지 못하는 것으로 나타났다. 결론적으로 이민자들의 주류 정치사회화 과정에서는 인터넷 웹사이트가 제공하는 뉴스보다는 전통매체 특히, 주류사회의 전통뉴스매체의 역할이 매우 중요한 것으로 밝혀졌다.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.