• 대한간호학회지
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• 제50권1호
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• pp.81-100
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• 2020

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to define and clarify the concept of political competence for nurses. Methods: A hybrid model method was used to investigate the dimensions, attributes, and definitions of the concept. In the theoretical stage of the study, literature on nursing, politics, and other discipline were reviewed. In the fieldwork stage, individual in-depth interviews and focus groups interviews were conducted with politically seasoned experts or activists who had an understanding of the concept of political competence for extensive descriptions in nursing and field of health care. Results: The concept of political competence was represented in four dimensions as political knowledge, political efficacy, political interaction, and political activity. In the political knowledge dimension, there were three attributes, namely, political knowledge, political information and systematic analysis ability. The political efficacy dimension had three attributes of internal political efficacy, external political efficacy, and self-pride of nursing profession. The political interaction dimension had three attributes of organizations and community service, networking, and persuasive power. The political activity dimension had six attributes of political leadership, political expression, assertive behavior, political advocacy, political participation, and policy intervention. Conclusion: This concept development might provide a basic understanding of developing a measurement tool and for constructing a theory promoting nurses' political competence.

• 간호행정학회지
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• 제20권3호
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• pp.342-352
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• 2014

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to identify how political interest, efficacy and media usage influence political participation in hospital nurses. Methods: Participants were 286 nurses, who were informed of the study purpose and agreed to participate. Data were collected during November and December, 2012 using a questionnaire on political interest, political efficacy, media usage and political participation. Data were analyzed using t-test, ANOVA, Scheff$\acute{e}$'s test, Pearson Correlation Coefficients, and Multiple Stepwise Regression. Results: Scores for political participation and political interest was average. The score for political efficacy was higher than average. Political participation was significantly different by education level, job career, position, and intention to vote in the election for the 18th President. Political participation had a moderate positive correlation with political interest (r=.50, p<.001), political efficacy (r=.32, p<.001) and media usage (r=.14, p=.022). Political interest (${\beta}$=.43) was the factor most influential on political participation, explaining 25% of the variance. A total of 32% of political participation was explained by political interest, political efficacy, and TV news or SNS for media use. Conclusion: The results suggest that it is necessary to develop strategies to promote political interest and political efficacy for hospital nurses to improve political participation.

• 한국연극학
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• 제52호
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.103-127
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• 2014

This study reviews existing research on the measurement of and the relationship between political diversity and political participation. It addresses the inconsistency in the arguments of existing studies researching the influence of political diversity on political participation. It attempts to find the cause in the variety of approaches to conceptualize and operationalize the two variables. As the measure of political diversity, political network heterogeneity and network attributes are discussed in detail in specific relation to political participation. As for political participation, an in-depth analysis of various ways to understand different forms of political involvement is presented. Implications for public opinion research are discussed.

• 한국융합학회논문지
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• 제11권12호
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• pp.391-400
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• 2020

본 연구는 정치효능감, 정치관심도, 세계시민의식이 정치참여에 미치는 영향을 파악하기 위해 시도된 융합 연구이다. 연구대상자는 간호학과 3,4학년 학생 155명이었으며, 수집된 자료는 기술통계, t-test, ANOVA, Pearson's correlation과 다중회귀분석을 사용하여 분석하였다. 연구결과 정치참여는 정치효능감(r=.27, p=.001)과 정치관심도(r=.42, p<.001)와 유의한 정적 상관관계가 나타났고, 세계시민의식 중 태도는 유의한 부적상관관계(r=-.24, p=.003)를 나타냈다. 다중회귀분석 결과 정치관심도(β=.37)와 정치효능감(β=.21)이 높을수록, 세계시민의식 중 태도(β=-.27)가 낮을수록 정치참여도가 높아지는 것으로 나타났으며 모형의 설명력은 25.7%였다. 정치참여를 높이기 위해 대학생에게 맞는 정치효능감, 정치관심도를 높이고 정치참여를 유도할 수 있는 정치교육이 필요하다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제22권8호
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• pp.1-13
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• 2022

본 연구는 유튜브 정치동영상 이용자들을 대상으로 선택적 노출과 정치적 성향, 정치적 관심도의 태도극화에 대한 상호작용효과를 살펴보았다. 주요 결과를 제시하면 다음과 같다. 먼저 연구문제 1, 연구문제 2와 관련하여 유튜브 정치동영상 이용자들의 선택적 노출과 정치적 성향에 대한 태도극화, 선택적 노출과 정치적 관심도에 대한 태도극화를 살펴본 결과, 선택적 노출에서 동일하게 태도극화 '나'에 대한 주 효과가 발견되었다. 그러므로 유튜브 이용자들의 정치동영상에 대한 선택적 노출이 높아질수록 유튜브 이용자 자신의 태도극화가 강화되는 것으로 나타났다. 연구문제 3과 관련하여 유튜브 정치동영상 이용자들의 정치적 성향과 정치적 관심도에 대한 태도극화를 살펴본 결과, 정치적 성향과 정치적 관심도의 태도극화 '나' 에 대한 상호작용효과가 발견되었다. 따라서 진보적 성향이나 보수적 성향 모두 정치적 관심이 높을 때, 유튜브 이용자 자신의 태도극화도 강화되는 것으로 나타났다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제32권
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• pp.369-405
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• 2006

본 연구는 정치적 소수자의 하나인 대학생을 중심으로 인터넷 시대에 나타날 수 있는 정치참여의 양태의 변화를 고찰하는데 그 목적을 두고 있다. 특히 전통적인 오프라인의 정치참여 뿐만 아니라 새로운 온라인 정치참여 방식의 발현이 어떻게 나타나는지에 대해 정치효능감과 정치신뢰감을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 총 221명의 대학생을 대상으로 설문조사를 시행한 결과 몇 가지 점을 발견할 수 있었다. 첫째, 전반적으로 정치효능감은 오프라인 및 온라인 모두에 걸쳐 정치참여에 정적인 영향을 미치는 주요한 변인으로 나타났다. 둘째, 반면 정치신뢰감은 어떤 형태의 정치참여방식에도 독립적인 영향력을 미치지 못하였다. 셋째, 정치효능감과 정치신뢰감의 상호작용효과는 온라인상의 정치참여에서 나타났다. 높은 정치효능감의 집단에서 낮은 정치신뢰감을 갖고 있는 사람들이 상대적으로 온라인 정치참여도가 높게 나타났다. 반면 중간 정도의 정치효능감의 집단에서는 높은 정치신뢰감을 가진 사람들이 가장 높은 정치참여도를 보였다. 그러나 낮은 정치효능감 집단에서는 정치신뢰감의 크기에 상관없이 거의 정치참여를 하지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 차후의 연구에서는 이 두 변인 외에 다른 변인들과의 관계를 포함하여 보다 포괄적인 정치참여의 구조모형을 설정하는 것이 필요할 것이다.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.1-22
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• 2019

In the age of continuous media change and the coexistence of multiple forms of media, the relationship between the public's media use and political participation is an urgent area of study. This paper makes use of large national sample surveys from 2002, 2011, and 2015, summarizes the change of the public's media use by descriptive statistics analysis, and finds that while the Internet has become an important communication channel, the use of Internet for political information and political participation is still overestimated. Compared to the weak impact of different media channels for political information on political participation, the frequency of media exposure and Internet use play a significant role in political participation. Because of the negative effect of the frequency of Internet use on political participation, the democratization function of the Internet needs to be treated with caution. This paper describes media use and its roles in contemporary China, analyzes the impact of media use on political participation, and extends the cross-cultural application of the theory of political communication.

• Asia pacific journal of information systems
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.22-40
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• 2016

Political activities through social networking service (SNS) are common in the political communication environment. The main aim of this study is to present logical and empirical evidence on the effects of politicians' SNS activities. To achieve this goal, this research analyzed the relationship between the SNS activities of politicians and the political efficacy and political participation of citizens through a survey of 644 people. The results of the survey analysis showed that politicians' SNS activities have a positive effect on both the internal and external efficacies of citizens and that these efficacies positively influence political participation. This finding means that the SNS activities of politicians promote political participation by increasing the political efficacy of citizens and states. The results also suggest that SNS, with its characteristics of communication and interaction, plays a crucial role as a political communication medium. Therefore, with SNS, a variety of information sources on politics can be offered, suggestions from citizens can be embraced, and such suggestions can be revealed to politicians as a means of promoting political efficacy and participation.