Purpose: The purpose of this study was to define and clarify the concept of political competence for nurses. Methods: A hybrid model method was used to investigate the dimensions, attributes, and definitions of the concept. In the theoretical stage of the study, literature on nursing, politics, and other discipline were reviewed. In the fieldwork stage, individual in-depth interviews and focus groups interviews were conducted with politically seasoned experts or activists who had an understanding of the concept of political competence for extensive descriptions in nursing and field of health care. Results: The concept of political competence was represented in four dimensions as political knowledge, political efficacy, political interaction, and political activity. In the political knowledge dimension, there were three attributes, namely, political knowledge, political information and systematic analysis ability. The political efficacy dimension had three attributes of internal political efficacy, external political efficacy, and self-pride of nursing profession. The political interaction dimension had three attributes of organizations and community service, networking, and persuasive power. The political activity dimension had six attributes of political leadership, political expression, assertive behavior, political advocacy, political participation, and policy intervention. Conclusion: This concept development might provide a basic understanding of developing a measurement tool and for constructing a theory promoting nurses' political competence.
Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing Administration
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v.20
no.3
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pp.342-352
/
2014
Purpose: The purpose of this study was to identify how political interest, efficacy and media usage influence political participation in hospital nurses. Methods: Participants were 286 nurses, who were informed of the study purpose and agreed to participate. Data were collected during November and December, 2012 using a questionnaire on political interest, political efficacy, media usage and political participation. Data were analyzed using t-test, ANOVA, Scheff$\acute{e}$'s test, Pearson Correlation Coefficients, and Multiple Stepwise Regression. Results: Scores for political participation and political interest was average. The score for political efficacy was higher than average. Political participation was significantly different by education level, job career, position, and intention to vote in the election for the 18th President. Political participation had a moderate positive correlation with political interest (r=.50, p<.001), political efficacy (r=.32, p<.001) and media usage (r=.14, p=.022). Political interest (${\beta}$=.43) was the factor most influential on political participation, explaining 25% of the variance. A total of 32% of political participation was explained by political interest, political efficacy, and TV news or SNS for media use. Conclusion: The results suggest that it is necessary to develop strategies to promote political interest and political efficacy for hospital nurses to improve political participation.
This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.
Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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v.9
no.1
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pp.68-78
/
2021
Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).
This study reviews existing research on the measurement of and the relationship between political diversity and political participation. It addresses the inconsistency in the arguments of existing studies researching the influence of political diversity on political participation. It attempts to find the cause in the variety of approaches to conceptualize and operationalize the two variables. As the measure of political diversity, political network heterogeneity and network attributes are discussed in detail in specific relation to political participation. As for political participation, an in-depth analysis of various ways to understand different forms of political involvement is presented. Implications for public opinion research are discussed.
This study is a convergence study to understand the impact of political efficacy, political interest, and global citizenship on political participation. Participants were 3rd and 4th grade 155 nursing students. The data were analyzed t-test, ANOVA, Pearson's Correlation and multiple regression. The result is that factors influencing the political participation were political efficacy(r=.27, p=.001), political interest(r=.42, p<.001), and attitude in global citizenship(r=-.24, p=.003). The higher political interest(β=.37) and political efficacy(β=.21), the lower the Global citizenship_Attitude, the higher political participation. A total of 25.7% of political participation was explained. In order to increase political participation, the results suggest it is necessary to political education for enhancing political interest and efficacy.
This study examined the interactive effects of selective exposure, political orientation, and political interest on YouTube political video users' attitude polarization. The results are presented as follows. In relation to research question 1 and 2, attitude polarization toward selective exposure and political orientation, selective exposure and political interest of YouTube political video users was examined. As a result, in the same selective exposure, the main effect on attitude polarization 'I' was found. Therefore, it was found that the higher the selective exposure of YouTube users to political videos, the stronger the attitude polarization toward YouTube users themselves. In relation to research question 3, attitude polarization toward political orientation and political interest of YouTube political video users was examined. As a result, the interaction effect on the attitude polarization 'I' was found in the political orientation and political interest. Therefore, when political interest in both progressive and conservative tendencies is high, the attitude polarization toward YouTube users themselves is also strengthened.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the usefulness of the concept of political efficacy and political trust as a way of explaining the development of political participation in the young people under the new age of the Internet. From the survey in which 221 university students participated, there were several findings: first, overall political efficacy has a predominant effect on political participation in both offline and online; second, political trust has little impact on the political participation of the youth; third, there showed up two interaction effects between political efficacy and political trust for the online conventional and unconventional participation in politics. It is found that in high efficacy group people with low trust are most likely to participate, while in medium efficacy group people with high trust are most likely to participate. In low efficacy group, however, political trust didn't make any difference in political participation. There are more factors that may predict political participation, such as political interest, political knowledge, political ideology, and demographic variables. For future studies, it is necessary to examine the effect of political efficacy and political trust in combination with these other variables to explain political participation by offline and online.
In the age of continuous media change and the coexistence of multiple forms of media, the relationship between the public's media use and political participation is an urgent area of study. This paper makes use of large national sample surveys from 2002, 2011, and 2015, summarizes the change of the public's media use by descriptive statistics analysis, and finds that while the Internet has become an important communication channel, the use of Internet for political information and political participation is still overestimated. Compared to the weak impact of different media channels for political information on political participation, the frequency of media exposure and Internet use play a significant role in political participation. Because of the negative effect of the frequency of Internet use on political participation, the democratization function of the Internet needs to be treated with caution. This paper describes media use and its roles in contemporary China, analyzes the impact of media use on political participation, and extends the cross-cultural application of the theory of political communication.
Political activities through social networking service (SNS) are common in the political communication environment. The main aim of this study is to present logical and empirical evidence on the effects of politicians' SNS activities. To achieve this goal, this research analyzed the relationship between the SNS activities of politicians and the political efficacy and political participation of citizens through a survey of 644 people. The results of the survey analysis showed that politicians' SNS activities have a positive effect on both the internal and external efficacies of citizens and that these efficacies positively influence political participation. This finding means that the SNS activities of politicians promote political participation by increasing the political efficacy of citizens and states. The results also suggest that SNS, with its characteristics of communication and interaction, plays a crucial role as a political communication medium. Therefore, with SNS, a variety of information sources on politics can be offered, suggestions from citizens can be embraced, and such suggestions can be revealed to politicians as a means of promoting political efficacy and participation.
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