• Title/Summary/Keyword: The Ming Dynasty

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부산(傅山)의 리학(理學)비판과 개혁사상 (A Criticism about Neo-Confucianism and progressive Thought of Fu-Shan(傅山))

  • 황병기
    • 동양고전연구
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    • 제37호
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    • pp.411-439
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    • 2009
  • 부산(傅山, 1607~1684)은 명말청초에 매우 현실참여적 삶을 살았던 인물이다. 부산이 바라보는 당대의 지식인들은 정주(程朱)의 빈껍데기에 의지하여 도학선생이라고 허풍을 떨면서 자리만 지키고 있는 허수아비들이었다. 그는 리(理)와 기(氣), 성(性)과 정(情) 등만을 논의하는 것은 현실세계의 활발한 실용적 측면을 도외시한 채 추상적 사유에만 머물게 하여 현실 세계의 다양성을 무시하는 부작용을 낳는다고 보았다. 부산의 이러한 사유는 정치사상이나 문학론에 고스란히 드러난다. 그는 기적 세계보다 먼저 그것을 규제하고 통제하는 리가 존재한다는 송명 리학(理學)의 주장은 일종의 도덕적 이데올로기를 창출하여 봉건적 전제주의를 이론적으로 합리화하는 논리 틀을 제공한다고 보았다. 따라서 부산에게 있어 성인은 이러한 사회의 불합리한 요소를 척결하는 사회 개변가이며 혁명가였다. 부산은 문학도 활발발한 기의 세계를 표현할 수 있어야 한다고 보았다. 자유분방한 광(狂)의 경지, 창조적인 경지가 진정한 문학이라고 보았다. 옛 문체나 흉내내면서 고답적인 작문을 하는 것은 천기(天機)의 자연스러움을 거스르는 행위였다. 글은 변화무상한 활발발한 세계를 표현할 수 있어야 하는 것이었다.

혈맥(血脈)에 대한 문헌적 고찰 (Literary Study of Hyeolmaek(血脈))

  • 이종영;조병준;강대인;권기록
    • 대한약침학회지
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    • 제8권3호
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    • pp.11-19
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    • 2005
  • Objectives : This study focused on how the modem blood vessel is defined in Oriental medicine through literary investigation. Methods : Contents from 35 classical texts representing each era were analyzed for the expression of Hyeolmaek and affiliate information, as well as terms used for the current concept of blood vessel. Results : Following results were obtained through investigating literary information on Hyeolmaek. 1. In the Yellow Emperor's Classic, Hyeolmaek is associated with heart and widely used for physiological, pathological, diagnosis, and treatment purposes. 2. During the Song Dynasty, a term Cheonggeun (靑節). is used to describe the vein in the abdomen. 3. During the Ming Dynasty, terms such as Cheonggeun(靑節) and Cheongmaek(靑脈) were used. 4. The term Hyeolmaek was used inclusively for blood, blood vessels, arteries, veins, and as well as meridians.

중국과 한국 전통금사 금속의 과학적 분석 연구 (Scientific Analysis of Metal in Chinese and Korean Traditional Gold Thread)

  • 정선혜;유지아;정용재;심연옥
    • 한국의류학회지
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    • 제37권6호
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    • pp.764-771
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    • 2013
  • The metal component of Chinese and Korean traditional gold thread was analyzed nondestructively using P-XRF and classified morphologically. In the nondestructive analysis of 22 Chinese and Korean artifacts, there were 10 gold threads made up of Au in China and 7 in Korea; in addition, there were 4 silver threads made up of Ag in Korea and 1 copper thread made up of Cu in China. In the morphological classification, 7 gilt paper strips were confirmed in China and Korea and 4 wrapped threads were identified in China and Korea. Zn, Sn and Fe (minor components of the threads) were detected. These components were assumed to be transferred from the metal found in burial goods.

명(明).청대(淸代) 기주약시(祁州藥市)의 성장(成長)과 '약왕묘(藥王廟)' (The Growth of the Qizhou Medicinal Herb Market during the Ming and Qing Dynasties and Medicine King Temple)

  • 이민호;안상우
    • 대한본초학회지
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    • 제24권4호
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    • pp.31-37
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    • 2009
  • Objectives : The rapid progress seen in the Chinese medical and pharmaceutical industries since the mid.Ming Dynasty, and the resulting surge in demand for medicinal herbs led to the emergence of dedicated medicinal herb markets. A representative example was the medicinal herb market of Qizhou (today's Anguo) in Hebei Province. This paper examines various factors that contributed to the transformation and growth of Qizhou into and as a major medicinal herb market of China. Methods : Along with the examination of geographical factors, this study attempts to link the development of Qizhou as a center for medicinal herbs trade with legends related to the Medicine Lord Temple (Yao Wang Miao), a local shrine dedicated to the mythical Medicine Kings. Results : The main argument of this study is that although the emergence of Qizhou as China's largest marketplace for medicinal herbs was significantly helped by its proximity to Beijing, a huge source of demand, as well as its convenient location easily accessible from all parts of the country, and the large herbal production from surrounding areas, the single.most important contributing factor was the body of legends attributing to this city a magical healing energy. Conclusions : The example of Qizhou may also suggest that in pre.modern eras, legends related to supernatural healing power, associated to a city or town, were as important contributing factors to its emergence and growth as a dedicated medicinal herb market as its location or ease of access.

정신양생(精神養生)에 관한 문헌적(文獻的) 고찰(考察) (Philological Study on The Mental Cultivation)

  • 금종철;소경순;김광호
    • 대한예방한의학회지
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    • 제1권1호
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    • pp.59-75
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    • 1997
  • After examining the viewpoints of the mental cultivation of The yellow Emperor's Internal Bible(內徑), from the viewpoints of The yellow Emperor's Internal Bible, I studied the principles and methods of the mental cultivation(精神養生) which the Taoism School, the Confusian School and the past physicians proposed. And I studied the methods of mental cultivation of the child, the woman and the old by the differences of ages and sex. At the subject of health preservation(養生學) on the basis of concept of relevant adaptation of man to nature(天人相應思想), the mental cultivation(精神養生) was regard more important than the body cultivation(肉體養生) and it was considered that the success of health preservation depended on the state of mind. the basic principles of the mental cultivation is achivement of the mental internal keeping(精神內守) through the state of peace and tranquility without avarice and wild fancy(恬憺虛無). The ways of mental cultivation of the Taoism School, the Confusian School and the past physicians were in the category of The yellow Emperor's Internal Bible. 4. In the previous Jin dynasty(先秦時代), the important theoretical bases and practices to mental cultivation were made. In the Han dynasty(漢時代), the physicians attached importance to mental treaments. During the time from Sui dynasty to Tang Dynasty(隋唐時代), the mental cultivation was made perfect theoretically. During the Period from Song dynasty to Yuan Dynasty(宋元時代), Many methods of mental cultivation were newly created. During the Ming and the Qing Dynasties(明淸時代), the theory of health preservation and the methods of mental treaments were embodied. 5. Studying the mental cultivation by the differences of ages, the childhood(小兒期) is the spring of life. So the mental cultivation of this period put importance to the cultivation of Sh ng(養生). And the youth(靑年期) is the summer of life. So the mental cultivation of this period pill importance to the cultivation of Ch'ang(養長). And the middle age(中年期) is the autumn of life. So the mental cultivation of this period put imporance to the cultivation of Shou(養收). And the old age(老年期) is the winter of life. So the mental cultivation of this period put importance to the cultivation of Tsang(養藏). Studying the mental cultivation by the differences of sex, the man must do the mental cultivation through the dynamic nature(性情) of Yang(陽) and the woman must do the mental cultivation through the static nature of Yin(陰).

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문묘제례악 소(簫)의 유입과 변화에 관한 역사적 고찰 (A Historical Study on the Influx and Change of the 'So'(簫) used in Confucian Shrine Ritual Music)

  • 조석연
    • 공연문화연구
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    • 제35호
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    • pp.441-470
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    • 2017
  • 본 논문은 문묘제례악 소의 유입과 변화에 관한 세 가지 쟁점을 다루었다. 첫째, 현재 문묘제례악에서 사용되고 있는 쌍날개 악학궤범가(架)형의 악기는 1116년(예종 11) 송나라 대성아악이 유입될 때 함께 들어온 형태가 아니라, 공민왕 19년 명나라로부터 들여온 원나라 형태의 소이다. 대성아악이 들어온 고려 예종 당시의 송나라에는 쌍날개 악학궤범가형의 배소가 아직 존재하지 않았으며, 이는 원나라 때 처음 등장한다. 이후의 시기인 공민왕 때 '소'와 함께 '배소'라는 이름의 새로운 악기명이 처음으로 등장하는데, 이러한 연유로 해서 이 '배소'가 지금의 쌍날개 악학궤범가형의 악기일 가능성이 농후하다. 둘째, "악학궤범"에 기록된 조선시대 소의 형태는 비록 중국의 것을 따르고 있지만, 그 음고와 배열은 12율 4청성의 음역과 왼쪽에서 오른쪽으로 음률이 높아지는 배열로 현재까지 그 원형의 맥을 잇고 있다. 중국의 16관 배소는 12율 4배성으로 구성되어 있으며, 좌우로 8율과 8려로 나뉘어져 있다. 그러나 한국의 쌍날개 악학궤범가형 16관 배소는 12율 4청성으로 구성되어 있으며, 율관의 길이와는 무관하게 좌에서 우로 황종부터 청협종까지 순서대로 배열되어 있다. 셋째, 1930년대에 이르러 '악학궤범"과 전체적인 형태는 같으나 관 사이가 붙은 것과 관 사이가 떨어진 것으로 존재하였고, 이후로는 현재 경북대학교 박물관에 소장된 것과 문묘제례악에 사용되는 악기에서 보듯 관 사이가 떨어진 악기만이 존재하게 된다. 그러나 현재 문묘제례악에서 사용되고 있는 관 사이가 떨어진 형태는 악기학적 관점에서 볼 때 퇴보한 형태이며, 역사적으로도 연결고리를 갖지 못한다. 어떠한 연유로 소가 이처럼 변모하였는지는 명확하게 알 수 없지만, 악기학적이고 역사적인 관점에서 "악학궤범"의 우리화(化)된 소의 형태를 다시금 정립하는 것이 마땅하다 할 것이다.

선약해(宣若海)의 『심양일기(瀋陽日記)』 - 병자호란 전 조선 무신의 후금(後金)에 대한 정탐 일기 - (On the Travelogue to Shenyang written by Seon Yak-hae - A mushin's (military official) report of secret observation on Qing Dynasty)

  • 남은경
    • 동양고전연구
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    • 제34호
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    • pp.133-165
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    • 2009
  • 선약해(宣若海)의 "심양일기(瀋陽日記)"는 중국 대륙에 후금(後金)과 명(明)이 병존하며 조선과 더불어 외교적 갈등을 빚고 있던 17세기 초반의 기록물로, 조선조 무신(武臣) 선약해가 심양(瀋陽)에 사신으로 갔을 때의 쓴 일기이다. 본 자료는 중국의 역대 중요 문집자료를 모아놓은 중국 자료총서(資料叢書) 속에 수록되어 중국에서 전해지고 있는데, 우리나라 학계에서는 별반 주목받지 못했다. 이미 학계에 소개된 같은 이름의 "심양일기"가 병자호란이후 심양에 인질로 끌려갔던 소현세자(昭顯世子) 일행의 8년간의 체류 기록이라면, 이 자료는 병자호란 발발 직전 심양에 갔던 조선 사신의 기록이다. 본 "심양일기"의 기록자 선약해는 자신이 사신의 임무를 어떻게 잘 처리하였는가를 서술하고, 동시에 당시 후금의 정치, 군사 상황을 정탐하듯이 알아내 기록하고 있다. 그는 문무겸전(文武兼全)의 인물로 외교문제를 해결할 때는 무인다운 강인한 면모를 보였고, 또 전략적으로 정보를 수집하였다. 동시에 문인적인 자질로 사실적인 산문 기록과 솔직한 내면감정을 드러내는 시를 써서 개성적인 일기체 기록물을 남기게 되었다. 본 선약해의 "심양일기"는 17세기 병자호란 발발 전 조선과 명, 그리고 후금간의 외교 상황을 보여주는 역사자료로서의 가치와 문무겸전 지식인의 독특한 현실대응태도와 표현방식을 보여주는 문학자료로서의 가치를 함께 가지고 있다.

한복과 한푸의 차이점 분석에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Difference between the Roots of (K)Hanbok and Hanfu)

  • 김지수;나영주
    • Human Ecology Research
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    • 제60권2호
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    • pp.273-287
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    • 2022
  • (K)Hanbok, which is Korea's traditional clothing, differs from the Chinese Hanfu or Japanese Kimono. This study aims to understand the fundamental differences between (K)Hanbok and Hanfu. The Goryeo Dynasty (K)Hanbok, which was particularly popular in China, was established because the Ming Dynasty Hanfu and Chinese fashion were considerably influenced by the 'Koryo Yang'. Firstly, while (K)Hanbok is bulky, Hanfu of the Han Dynasty is characterized by forming a slim silhouette. Due to the climate of the Northern Hemisphere, (K)Hanbok shows a rich silhouette comprising multiple layers of inner pants and a pleated skirt over a voluminous underskirt. On the other hand, the Han's Hanfu creates a straight silhouette in the form of a wrap, revealing the contours of the body. The pleated skirt of the (K)Hanbok can use six to twelve width fabrics, depending on the social position; however, the Hanfu of the Han is a skirt without any pleats. Secondly, the clothing patterns, which have various shapes, are totally different in how they are made and sewn. The Korean (K)Hanbok is a two-piece separate, whereas the Chinese Hanfu style is a one-piece with a skirt. The short length of the (K)Hanbok jacket has a Sup which is cut and pasted allowing the front closure to overlap. Nevertheless, the Hanfu of the Han does not have this Sup because it is of a wrap-around, one-piece style and has an exceptionally large front, and wraps around at the waist which extends to the sides. Thirdly, the (K)Hanbok jacket has separate string Gorums for fastening, and an additional belt around the waist; however, in the case of Gorum, it is unnecessary for a wrapping style of Hanfu. Fourthly, Koreans as an agricultural horse-riding people, basically wore the trousers attached a comfortable gusset, while the Chinese Hanfu had no pants, but the Chinese wore Gaedanggo pants which exposed the hips, inevitably during the Warring States period.

『국역(國譯) 편주의학입문(編註醫學入門)』의 편찬 과정에 대한 연구 (A study of the process of pressing Gugyeok sinjuuihagipmun)

  • 국수호;차웅석;안상우;한창현;김남일
    • 한국의사학회지
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    • 제34권2호
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    • pp.109-116
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    • 2021
  • Uihagipmun was a medical book published by Leecheon during the Ming Dynasty of China in the 16th century and was introduced to Korea during the mid-Joseon Period. This text greatly influenced the establishment of the Donguibogam, an important work in Korean medicine. This study confirms that many medical professionals of the Joseon Dynasty loved the Uihagipmun and that the Uihagipmun was very important during the Joseon Dynasty. Since then, the status of the Uihagipmun in Korean medicine continued to be emphasized by Korean medicine doctors throughout the Japanese colonial era. The translation of the Uihagipmun began in the 1970s as part of the classical Korean medicine translation project under the leadership of the Korean medicine group "Hanbanguiuhoe". However, due to a lack of funds, the translation was delayed and the first edition was published on October 10, 1974. Writings of those who led the translation at that time show that the translation of the Uihagipmun thought that the exact translation of the Uihagipmun in Korean medicine could lead to the scientific and modernization of Korean medicine. Therefore, Gugyeok pyeonjuuihagipmun should not be regarded as a mere translation, but as a medical book of important value in Korean medical history.

"온열경위(溫熱經緯)" 중(中) 섭향암(葉香巖)의 삼시복기외감(三時伏氣外感)에 관한 연구(硏究) (A Study on Latent-gi by Yexiangyan "Wenrejingwei")

  • 안준모;송지청;정현종;금경수
    • 대한한의정보학회지
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    • 제16권2호
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    • pp.163-187
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    • 2010
  • The concept of latent-gi(伏氣) was first mentioned in Yellow Emperor's Canon of Internal Medicine. For example, Elementary Questions states, "Damage by cold in winter necessarily engenders warm disease in the spring." Zhang Zhong-Jing of Han Dynasty in On Cold Damage and Miscellaneous Diseases mentions warm disease, stating, for example, "Greater yang disease with heat effusion and cough and without aversion to cold is warm disease. If sweating is applied, and there is generalized heat, this is wind warmth." However, the concept of warm disease was not central to his systematic presentation of externally contracted disease which placed the emphasis on wind and cold as the major causes of these diseases. Zhang Zhong-Jing's theories centuries after in the Sung Dynasty were to become the focus of the cold damage school, whereas the concept of warm disease was to become the focus of a rival school, the warm disease school. In the Sui-Tang Period, The Origin and Indications of Disease mentions warm diseases, their causes, patterns, and major principles of treatment. Successive generations of doctors wrote about warm disease, and in the Ming Dynasty writings on the subject become more prolific. This development is attributable on the one hand to the opening up of the south of China where febrile diseases tended to be of a different nature than in the north, and on the other to pestilences arising as a result of wars. In this period, Wu You-Xing in On Warm Epidemics explained in detail the laws governing the origin, development and pattern identification of warm epidemics. Notably, he posed the etiological notion of a contagious perverse gi.

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