• 해양안보
• /
• 제2권1호
• /
• pp.71-123
• /
• 2021

한국 정부는 미국 주도의 인도-태평양 전략 (Indo-Pacific Strategy, IPS)과 중국의 일대일로 계획 (Belt and Road Initiative, BRI) 간 양자택일이라는 점차 커져가는 압박을 마주하고 있다. 이에 따라, 이 연구는 한국 국가 정책 과제의 맥락에서 IPS와 BRI를 상세히 분석해 본다. Daniel Nexon and Thomas Wright (2007)의 네트워크 구조 연구를 기반으로, 이 연구는 IPS와 BRI에 각각 특정한 네트워크 구조를 규정하고자 한다. 이 분석을 통해 핵심국과 참가국 간의 관계를 설명할 수 있다. IPS 와 BRI의 특정 구성에 대한 이해는 참가국이 각 네트워크에서 기대할 수 있는 바를 나타내므로 중요하다. Nexon and Wright에 따르면, 네트워크 구조에는 단극성 무정부 상태, 헤게모니적 질서, 헌법적 질서, 제국적 질서의 네 가지 유형이 있다. 이를 바탕으로 IPS는 헌법적 질서를, BRI는 제국적 질서를 가지고 있는 것으로 분석된다. 따라서, 이 연구는 IPS 참여가 중국과의 BRI 파트너십보다 독립적인 외교 정책을 가능케 할 여지가 크다는 점을 한국 정부에 제안한다. IPS 참여를 통해 한국은 국가 안보 측면에서 이익을 누릴 수 있고, 보다 유리한 지역 권력 균형을 달성할 수 있을 것이다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제17권1호
• /
• pp.112-129
• /
• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• 디지털콘텐츠학회 논문지
• /
• 제19권6호
• /
• pp.1145-1150
• /
• 2018

시진핑은 '아시아 운명공동체' 구축을 위한 새로운 외교발전을 제시하면서 이를 실현하기 위해 일대일로(一帶一路) 정책을 채택 하였다. 5통(通)의 핵심이념 정책구통(政策溝通), 시설련통(設施聯通), 무역창통(貿易暢通), 자금융통(資金融通), 민심상통(民心相通)을 바탕으로 일대일로를 통해 주변 국가들과 전 방위적인 협력과 상호이익관계를 구축하고 있다. 이에 본고는 중국의 일대일로 정책과 한국의 유라시아 이니셔티브를 방한관광 콘텐츠개발 전략에 어떻게 활용할 것인가에 대한 제안을 몇 가지 제시하고자 한 것이다. 첫째, 한국기업의 가교역할이 관광콘텐츠 개발로 이어질 수 있도록 해야 한다. 둘째, 중국인 개별관광객을 위한 관광콘텐츠 개발 활성화가 또 다른 관광콘텐츠로 이어질 수 있도록 해야 한다. 셋째, 중국의 현지기업들과 공동수주 방안을 모색해서 관광콘텐츠로 이어질 수 있도록 한다. 넷째, 한국에서 생활한 근로자나 유학생들의 적극적인 활용을 모색한다. 다섯째, 북한과의 협력적인 관계를 바탕으로 관광콘텐츠 개발을 도모한다.

• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• 제26권4호
• /
• pp.305-336
• /
• 2022

This study applied the macro-micro simulation model (i.e., what-if analysis) to investigate the impact of transport related to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on poverty and income inequality in Laos. We selected Laos as a case study of a developing country. We used the standard GTAP model with the GTAP database (version 10) for the macrosimulation, whereas we used the household model with the latest Lao household data from 2019 for the microsimulation. Our findings revealed that the output of the Lao economy was anticipated to increase by up to 0.3%, while the poverty rate was anticipated to decline from 17.0% to 15.7%. However, there would be winners and losers in industries and groups of households in different areas. In particular, rich households with a comparative socioeconomic advantage, such as in education, engagement in nonfarm business, and infrastructure access, would mostly gain benefits; consequently, this would lead to higher inequality in Laos. Therefore, the inequality index (i.e., the Gini coefficient) would increase from 41.2 to 60.1. After a simulation of BRI transport, we also found that some nonpoor households, which are mainly associated with farm activities and lower educational levels, would fall into poverty.

• Acta Via Serica
• /
• 제2권2호
• /
• pp.29-46
• /
• 2017

Chinese literature once had its splendid era in the Tang and Song Dynasties culminating in Tang poetry and influencing the literatures of its neighboring countries. However, during the past centuries, it has largely been "marginalized" on the map of world literature. On the one hand, large numbers of foreign literary works, especially those from Western countries, have been translated into Chinese, exerting a huge influence on the formation of a sort of modern Chinese literary tradition. On the other hand, few contemporary Chinese literary works have been translated into the major foreign languages. With the help of the rise and flourishing of comparative literature, contemporary Chinese literature has been moving toward the world and had its own Nobel laureate. The author, after analyzing the reasons why Chinese literature has been "marginalized," argues that Chinese literature will develop steadily in the age of globalization. Globalization in China has undergone three steps: first, it has made China passively involved in this irresistible trend; second, the country has then quickly adapted itself to this trend; and third, China has started to play an increasingly leading role in the first decade of the present century. In this way, contemporary Chinese literature and comparative literature studies will steadily develop with the help of the "Belt and Road" initiative.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권37호
• /
• pp.177-192
• /
• 2015

The Chinese government portrays the One Belt One Road Initiative (BRI) and South Korea President Park Geun-hae's Eurasia Initiative as a win-win opportunity which will hurt nobody's interests, but some South Korean commentators have interpreted it as much more than just a trade and development deal: they focus on the geopolitical implications and the possibility that the balance of power in Asia will be disturbed. South Korea depends upon its maritime-oriented Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) in focusing on its alliance with the US to deter North Korean threats and explore its export-based economic growth and development, and yet cannot afford to be left out of these initiatives which could transform the economic and logistical linkage between South Korea and Europe. Given its negative reception by the some pundits, however, South Korea should be more precautious for expressing only full-fledged supports for the BRI and Eurasia Initiative. Opponents of these two initiatives doubt that its putative benefits can be realized, at least in the short term, arguing that creating the necessary rail interconnections may be too costly.

• 한국융합학회논문지
• /
• 제11권5호
• /
• pp.191-197
• /
• 2020

OFDI는 전 세계 국가의 경제 발전에 있어 주요한 이슈 중의 하나이다. 2013년 중국 국가주석 시진핑은 아시아-아프리카 국제회의를 참석하여 일대일로를 제안하였다. 그중에서 OFDI (Outward Foreign Direct Investment)는 일대일로의 핵심적 정책이다. 중국 일대일로 정책의 발전, 한중FTA의 심화 및 양국 긴밀한 경제관계의 급속한 발전에 따라서 중국은 한국에 대한 OFDI를 확대해야 할것이다. 본 연구에서는 중국이 한국에 대한 OFDI를 바탕으로 시계열과 횡단면 두 가지 차원을 결합한PANEL의 데이터를 사용하여 OFDI의 결정적 요인을 확인하고자 한다. 실증분석 결과GRDP, HV, YNTL, FWYS, XFZS 등은 중국이 한국에 대한 OFDI의 결정적 요인으로 입증하였다. 또한 실증분석 결과를 바탕으로 한국이 중국의 OFDI를 유치에 대한 시사점을 제공하였다.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
• /
• 제27권4호
• /
• pp.73-90
• /
• 2017

After the conclusion of the $18^{th}$ CPCNationalCongress, the Shanghai Free Trade Zone was established, and the One Belt One Road Initiative was brought up. These measures accelerate the development of international commercial activities as related disputes grow in variety and quantity. To better settle international commercial disputes and increase the influence of China in this area, this article reviews and analyzes the development of international commercial arbitration in China. In the conclusion part, it gives suggestions for international commercial arbitration in China in order to improve and accelerate the further development of international commercial arbitration in China.

• 무역학회지
• /
• 제46권3호
• /
• pp.119-133
• /
• 2021

After 'Zhou Chuchu (走出去, Go global)' in the early 2000s, and with the 'One-to-One Road' initiative in 2012, China's Overseas Foreign Direct Investment (OFDI) has increased significantly, resulting in high academic interest. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of national risks of home country on China's OFDI by using data from 49 countries along the 'One-to-One Road' between 2007 and 2018, and to compare the factors of national risks that attract investment from the world. As a result of the study, market economy companies' perceptions of national risks are mostly negative, so risk acts as a deterrent to investment. On the other hand, national risks of home countries have had positive effects on China's OFDI, which would mean that Chinese investors, mostly state-owned enterprises have a high tendency to invest in regions or countries with high national risks. Other economic factors, such as the size of the investment partner country's market, GNI per capita, and trade openness, had a positive (+) effect, and natural resources had a negative (-) effect on China's OFDI. As dummy variables, FTA, which is an economic and diplomatic factor, SCO, which is a political and diplomatic factor, and bordering which is a geographical factor, were also found to have a positive (+) effect. This study implies the investment pattern of China's OFDI is due to the characteristics of China's unique geopolitical and economic system, and it is judged to be influenced by political and strategic factors, especially the aspects led by state-owned enterprises.

• Acta Via Serica
• /
• 제3권2호
• /
• pp.161-180
• /
• 2018

Pax Sinica is a historiographical term, modeled after the original phrase Pax Romana. It refers, in Latin, to a Chinese-provided peace which in turn is used to describe an era of peace in East Asia sustained by Chinese hegemony. In historical terms, both the Pax Sinica of the Eastern hemisphere through Han China and the Pax Romana of the Western hemisphere through Rome signified a trans-regional order based on rules and regulations. This orderly world of the Pax Sinica generated a number of positive results such as the intensification of travel, ever-expanding trade relations, an increase in the overall living standards of the populace, the proliferation of cities, and a demographic upsurge in Eurasia along the ancient Silk Road. During this period, China was the dominant civilization not only in the Eastern hemisphere but also in the Middle hemisphere due to its political, economic, military and cultural influence. This paper aims to reintroduce this historiographical term to elucidate the recent Chinese initiatives in Eurasia along the Silk Road to facilitate the integration and connectivity of the continent.