• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.47 no.3
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• pp.186-193
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• 2014

This study aimed to analyze spatio-temporal trends of phenological characteristics in South Korea by using MODIS EVI. For the phenology analysis, we had applied double logistic function to MODIS time-series data. Our results showed that starting date of phenology seems to have a tendency along with latitudinal trends. Starting date of phenology of Jeju Island and Mt. Sobeak went back for 0.38, 0.174 days per year, respectively whereas, Mt. Jiri and Mt. Seolak went forward for 0.32 days, 0.239 days and 0.119 days, respectively. Our results exhibited the fluctuation of plant phonological season rather than the change of phonological timing and season. Starting date of plant phenology by spatial distribution revealed tendency that starting date of mountain area was late, and basin and south foot of mountain was fast. In urban ares such as Seoul metropolitan, Masan, Changwon, Milyang, Daegu and Jeju, the phonological starting date went forward quickly. Pheonoligcal attributes such as starting date and leaf fall in urban areas likely being affected from heat island effect and related warming. Our study expressed that local and regional monitoring on phonological events and changes in Korea would be possible through MODIS data.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Marine Environment & Energy
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-13
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• 2006

A field survey on the spatio-temporal distribution characteristics and origins of organic matter in surface sediments was carried out monthly at six stations in Gamak Bay, South Korea from April 2000 to March 2002. The range of ignition loss(IL) was $4.6{\sim}11.6%(7.1{\pm}1.6%)$, while chemical oxygen demand(CODs) ranged from $12.25{\sim}99.26mgO_2/g-dry(30.98{\pm}19.09mgO_2/g-dry)$, acid volatile sulfide(AVS) went from no detection(ND)${\sim}10.29mgS/g-dry(1.02{\pm}0.58mgS/g-dry)$, and phaeopigment was $6.84{\sim}116.18{\mu}g/g-dry(23.72{\pm}21.16{\mu}g/g-dry)$. The ranges of particulate organic carbon(POC) and particulate organic nitrogen(PON) were $5.45{\sim}23.24 mgC/g-dty(10.34{\pm}4.40C\;mgC/g-dry)$ and $0.71{\sim}2.99mgN/g-dry(1.37{\pm}0.58mgN/g-dry)$, respectively. Water content was in the range of $43.1{\sim}77.6%(55.8{\pm}5.6%)$, and mud content(silt+clay) was higher than 95% at all stations. The spatial distribution of organic matter in surface sediments was greatly divided between the northwestern, central and eastern areas, southern entrance area from the distribution characteristic of their organic matters. The concentrations of almost all items were greater at the northwestern and southern entrance area than at the other areas in Gamak Bay. In particular, sedimentary pollution was very serious at the northwestern area, because the area had an excessive supply of organic matter due to aquaculture activity and the inflow of sewage from the land. These materials stayed longer because of the topographical characteristics of such as basin and the anoxic conditions in the bottom seawater environment caused by thermocline in the summer. The tendency of temporal change was most prominently in the period of high-water temperatures than low-water ones at the northwestern and southern entrance areas. On the other hand, the central and eastern areas did not show a regular trend for changing the concentrations of each item but mainly showed a higher tendency during the low-water temperatures. This was observed for all but AVS concentrations which were higher during the period of high-water temperature at all stations. Especially, the central and eastern areas showed a large temporal increase of AVS concentration during those periods of high-water temperature where the concentration of CODs was in excess of $20mgO_2/g-dry$. The results show that the organic matters in surface sediments in Gamak Bay actually originated from autochthonous organic matters with eight or less in average C/N ratio including the organic matters generated by the use of ocean, rather than terrigenous organic matters. However, the formation of autochthonous organic matter was mainly derived from detritus than living phytoplankton, indicated the results of the POC/phaeopigment ratio. In addition, the CODs/IL ratio results demonstrate that the detritus was the product of artificial activities such as dregs feeding and fecal pellets of farm organisms caused by aquaculture activities rather than the dynamic of natural ocean activities.

• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.2206-2217
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• 1971

Spillway and discharge channel of reservoirs require the Control of Large volume of water under high pressure. The energies at the downstream end of spillway or discharge channel are tremendous. Therefore, Some means of expending the energy of the high-velocity flow is required to prevent scour of the riverbed, minimize erosion, and prevent undermining structures or dam it self. This may be accomplished by Constructing an energy dissipator at the downstream end of spillway or discharge channel disigned to dissipated the excessive energy and establish safe flow Condition in the outlet channel. There are many types of energy dissipators, stilling basins are the most familar energy dissipator. In the stilling basin, most energies are dissipated by hydraulic jump. stilling basins have some length to cover hydraulic jump length. So stilling basins require much concrete works and high construction cost. Flip bucket type energy dissipators require less construction cost. If the streambed is composed of firm rock and it is certain that the scour will not progress upstream to the extent that the safety of the structure might be endangered, flip backet type energy dissipators are the most recommendable one. Following items are tested and studied with bucket radius, $R=7h_2$,(medium of $4h_2{\geqq}R{\geqq}10h_2$). 1. Allowable upstream channel slop of bucket. 2. Adequate bucket lip angle for good performance of flip bucket. Also followings are reviwed. 1. Scour by jet flow. 2. Negative pressure distribution and air movement below nappe flow. From the test and study, following results were obtained. 1. Upstream channel slope of bucket (S=H/L) should be 0.25<H/L<0.75 for good performance of flip bucket. 2. Adequated lip angle $30^{\circ}{\sim}40^{\circ}$ are more reliable than $20^{\circ}{\sim}30^{\circ}$ for the safety of structures.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.498-511
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• 2012

Mountainous wetland have many species such as II grade endangered species of wild flora and fauna(Drosera rotundifolia) and environmental indicator species(Utricularia racemosa, Habenaria linearifolia, Parnassia palustris, Molinia japonica, etc.). Accordingly, the mountainous wetlands is very important. However, most mountainous wetlands will disappear by natural or artificial aridness processes. Thus, it needs to manage mountainous wetland for protecting from aridness. This study has found out the wetland status of the environmental ecology and aridness processes moreover, it has suggested ways of improving wetland conservation plan and wetland aridness management plan. According to the results of topography structure survey, Hwaeom wetland's altitude is ranged within 750~810m(87.4%), and slope is less than $10^{\circ}$. There was ideally suited mountainous wetland. However, the water supply(1.6 meters depth and 0.8 meters wide) was built on under the wetland. For that reason, there was concerned about the aridness processes by sweeping away peat layer and dropping the water level. The distribution area of hygrophyte was narrowed to 6.7% whereas, woody plants and xerophytic plants was achieved a dominant position. If it leaves the situation as it is, the mountainous wetland will be developed next succession as forest ecosystem. Therefore, in order to sustain the mountainous wetland from aridness, it is set to the base direction of conservation and management as main schemes. Moreover, we have suggested that setting the vegetation conservation and management area which considering a ecological vegetation characteristics, managing the ecotone vegetation, setting the buffer zone for protection of ecological core areas, protecting the mountainous wetland indicator species and designating the management vegetation. In conclusion, in order to sustain and maintain a soundly wetland ecosystem, it needs to several management of wetlands damage factors. 1) suppression of the excessive groundwater to basin, 2) stabilization of wetland via hydrologic storage, 3) suppression of changing and transforming wetland into forest by succession via management of xerophytic plants.

• Journal of Korea Water Resources Association
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• v.54 no.9
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• pp.731-745
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• 2021

In this study, the monthly temperature of the Han River basin was predicted by statistical multiple regression models that use global climate indices and weather data of the target region as predictors. The optimal predictors were selected through teleconnection analysis between the monthly temperature and the preceding patterns of each climate index, and forecast models capable of predicting up to 12 months in advance were constructed by combining the selected predictors and cross-validating the past period. Fore each target month, 1000 optimized models were derived and forecast ranges were presented. As a result of analyzing the predictability of monthly temperature from January 1992 to December 2020, PBIAS was -1.4 to -0.7%, RSR was 0.15 to 0.16, NSE was 0.98, and r was 0.99, indicating a high goodness-of-fit. The probability of each monthly observation being included in the forecast range was about 64.4% on average, and by month, the predictability was relatively high in September, December, February, and January, and low in April, August, and March. The predicted range and median were in good agreement with the observations, except for some periods when temperature was dramatically lower or higher than in normal years. The quantitative temperature forecast information derived from this study will be useful not only for forecasting changes in temperature in the future period (1 to 12 months in advance), but also in predicting changes in the hydro-ecological environment, including evapotranspiration highly correlated with temperature.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.100-110
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• 2003

This study was conducted to evaluate influence of chemical properties in the riparian on the species diversity and to get plant information for enhancement of natural purification in Mankyeong River. The concentration of total nitrogen was high in Jeonju and Sam stream, while that of total nitrogen showed the highest peak in Winter. Concentrations of $NH_4-N$ was $0.01{\sim}0.06\;mg/L$ in Gosan and Soyang stream. The water quality of upstream along with Mankyeong River was suitable for the irrigation source. The riparian vegetation was investigated by Zurich-Montpellier school's method from June, 2001 to September, 2002. The number of riparian plants were 59 families, 129 genera, 165 species, 20 varieties in Gosancheon, on the while 53 families, 111 genera, 141 species, 19 varieties in Soyangcheon. The number of riparian plants in Bari basin was higher than that of other sites namely, 73 families, 134 genera, 218 species, 33 varieties. Riparian vegetation was consisted of 12 plant communities. The contents of organic matter, total nitrogen and electrical conductivity had negative relationship with species diversity (Species richness index, Heterogeneity index, Species evenness index Species number). On the while, species diversity had positive relationship with soil pH. Species diversify of the plant communities were affected by topography and disturbance.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.226-241
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• 2020

Located on the right side of the third floor of the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, the "Art of Central Asia" exhibition boasts the world's finest collection of artworks and artifacts from the Silk Road. Every item in the collection has been classified by region, and many of them were collected in the early twentieth century through archaeological surveys led by Russia's Pyotr Kozlov, Mikhail Berezovsky, and Sergey Oldenburg. Some of these artifacts have been presented around the world through special exhibitions held in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Korea, Japan, and elsewhere. The fruits of Russia's Silk Road expeditions were also on full display in the 2008 exhibition The Caves of One Thousand Buddhas - Russian Expeditions on the Silk Route on the Occasion of 190 Years of the Asiatic Museum, held at the Hermitage Museum. Published in 2018 by the Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House in collaboration with the Hermitage Museum, Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia introduces the Hermitage's collection of artifacts from the Kuche (or Kucha) region. While the book focuses exclusively on artifacts excavated from the Kuche area, it also includes valuable on-site photos and sketches from the Russian expeditions, thus helping to enhance readers' overall understanding of the characteristics of Kuche art within the Buddhist art of Central Asia. The book was compiled by Dr. Kira Samosyuk, senior curator of the Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum, who also wrote the main article and the artifact descriptions. Dr. Samosyuk is an internationally renowned scholar of Central Asian Buddhist art, with a particular expertise in the art of Khara-Khoto and Xi-yu. In her article "The Art of the Kuche Buddhist Temples," Dr. Samosyuk provides an overview of Russia's Silk Road expeditions, before introducing the historical development of Kuche in the Buddhist era and the aspects of Buddhism transmitted to Kuche. She describes the murals and clay sculptures in the Buddhist grottoes, giving important details on their themes and issues with estimating their dates, and also explains how the temples operated as places of worship. In conclusion, Dr. Samosyuk argues that the Kuche region, while continuously engaging with various peoples in China and the nomadic world, developed its own independent Buddhist culture incorporating elements of Gandara, Hellenistic, Persian, and Chinese art and culture. Finally, she states that the culture of the Kuche region had a profound influence not only on the Tarim Basin, but also on the Buddhist grottoes of Dunhuang and the central region of China. A considerable portion of Dr. Samosyuk's article addresses efforts to estimate the date of the grottoes in the Kuche region. After citing various scholars' views on the dates of the murals, she argues that the Kizil grottoes likely began prior to the fifth century, which is at least 100 years earlier than most current estimates. This conclusion is reached by comparing the iconography of the armor depicted in the murals with related materials excavated from the surrounding area (such as items of Sogdian art). However, efforts to date the Buddhist grottoes of Kuche must take many factors into consideration, such as the geological characteristics of the caves, the themes and styles of the Buddhist paintings, the types of pigments used, and the clothing, hairstyles, and ornamentation of the depicted figures. Moreover, such interdisciplinary data must be studied within the context of Kuche's relations with nearby cultures. Scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating could also be applied for supplementary materials. The preface of Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia reveals that the catalog is the first volume covering the Hermitage Museum's collection of Kuche art, and that the next volume in the series will cover a large collection of mural fragments that were taken from Berlin during World War II. For many years, the whereabouts of these mural fragments were unknown to both the public and academia, but after restoration, the fragments were recently re-introduced to the public as part of the museum's permanent exhibition. We look forward to the next publication that focuses on these mural fragments, and also to future catalogs introducing the artifacts of Turpan and Khotan. Currently, fragments of the murals from the Kuche grottoes are scattered among various countries, including Russia, Germany, and Korea. With the publication of this catalog, it seems like an opportune time to publish a comprehensive catalog on the murals of the Kuche region, which represent a compelling mixture of East-West culture that reflects the overall characteristics of the region. A catalog that includes both the remaining murals of the Kizil grottoes and the fragments from different parts of the world could greatly enhance our understanding of the murals' original state. Such a book would hopefully include a more detailed and interdisciplinary discussion of the artifacts and murals, including scientific analyses of the pigments and other materials from the perspective of conservation science. With the ongoing rapid development in western China, the grotto murals are facing a serious crisis related to climate change and overcrowding in the oasis city of Xinjiang. To overcome this challenge, the cultural communities of China and other countries that possess advanced technology for conservation and restoration must begin working together to protect and restore the murals of the Silk Road grottoes. Moreover, centers for conservation science should be established to foster human resources and collect information. Compiling the data of Russian expeditions related to the grottoes of Kuche (among the results of Western archaeological surveys of the Silk Road in the early twentieth century), Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia represents an important contribution to research on Kuche's Buddhist art and the Silk Road, which will only be enhanced by a future volume introducing the mural fragments from Germany. As the new authoritative source for academic research on the artworks and artifacts of the Kuche region, the book also lays the groundwork for new directions for future studies on the Silk Road. Finally, the book is also quite significant for employing a new editing system that improves its academic clarity and convenience. In conclusion, Dr. Kira Samosyuk, who planned the publication, deserves tremendous praise for taking the research of Silk Road art to new heights.