• Title/Summary/Keyword: Taliban

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A Possibility Analysis of Domestic Terrorism in South Korea by Focusing on Afghanistan under the Taliban Forces (탈레반의 아프가니스탄 장악에 따른 국내 테러 발생 가능성 분석)

  • Oh, Hangil;Ahn, Kyewon;Bae, Byunggul
    • Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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    • v.17 no.4
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    • pp.848-863
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    • 2021
  • Purpose: On August 16, 2021, the Taliban established the Taliban regime after conquering capital Kabul of the Afghan by using the strong alliance of international terrorist organizations. The Taliban carried out terrorism targeting the Korean people, including the kidnapping of Kim Seon-il in 2004, the abduction of a member of the Saemmul Church in 2007, and the attack on Korean Provincial Reconstruction Team in 2009. Therefore, this research has shown the possibility of Taliban terrorism in Korea. Method: Based on the statistical data on terrorism that occurred in Afghanistan, Taliban's various terrorist activities such as tactics, strategies, and weapons are examined. Consequently, the target facilities and the type of terrorist attacks are analyzed. Result: The Taliban are targeting the Afghan government as their main target of attack, and IS and the Taliban differ in their selection of targets for terrorism. Conclusion: From the result of this research, we recommend Korea need to reinforce the counter terrorism system in soft targets. Because If the Taliban, which has seized control of Afghanistan, and IS, which has established a worldwide terrorism network, cooperate to threaten domestic multi-use facilities with bombing, the Republic of Korea may face a terrorist crisis with insufficient resources and counter-terrorism related countermeasures.

Analysis of True Nature of Taliban and Terror Threat to Korea (탈레반의 실체와 한국에 대한 테러위협 분석)

  • Choi, Kee-Nam
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.97-107
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    • 2012
  • Our nation, of which the term of dispatching troops is winded up at the end of this year, is facing presidential election time including the nuclear security summit meeting in March, opening of EXPO in May, and the general election. Hence, the possibility to select our nation at the strategy forming public opinion of military withdrawal through Taliban's terror is high. It coincides with public affair strategy of Taliban terror and learning effect by the past cases. If the possibility of terror threat of Taliban along with this is summarized, the period of threat will concentrate on and be heightened in the first half when the nuclear security summit meeting and EXPO open in our nation, and target and method have high possibility of collision terror of bomb carrying vehicle and suicide bomb on national government organizations or American facilities, and etc, and possibility of kidnapping on our people such as oversea tourists, missionaries, and so on. Terror groups joining the criminal act is to use Islam illegal aliens who already acquire base in our nation or entry maneuver of specialized terrorists connected to Al-Qaeda. Pretext of such terror is withdrawal of our military and western allies stationed in Afghanistan. Therefore, publicity terror of Taliban against our people living overseas and security measure of international events such as the world nuclear security summit meeting, Yeosu EXPO, and etc in the first half of this year should be thoroughly prepared, domestic illegal aliens' movement should be comprehended, and measure blocking international terrorists' relating to Taliban infiltration into our nation should be sought for. Also, there is need of early announcement of government's political will on our military stationed in Afghanistan.

Afghanistan: Elite Tensions, Peace Negotiations, and the COVID Crisis

  • MALEY, WILLIAM
    • Acta Via Serica
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    • v.5 no.2
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    • pp.1-24
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    • 2020
  • Afghanistan has experienced more than four decades of severe disruption, ever since the communist coup of April 1978 plunged the country into a state of disorder that was then severely aggravated by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979. Despite the high hopes that accompanied the overthrow of the Taliban regime in 2001, Afghanistan's path in the first two decades of the 21st century has proved to be anything but smooth, and this article highlights a confluence of challenges - political, diplomatic, and societal - that Afghanistan presently faces, challenges that in large measure account for the profound uncertainty that clouds its future. The article is divided into four sections. The first provides some context for the discussion of these three challenges. The remaining sections investigate the particular challenges - intra-elite rivalries, a fragile and defective peace process, and the underreported but grave threat to life and limb in Afghanistan resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic - in more detail. Together, these challenges highlight the dangers of wishful thinking about harsh realities.

A Dilemma of Kyrgyzstan Goes Through the Process of Nation-Building: National Security Problems and Independent National Defense Capability (국가건설과정에서 키르기스스탄의 국가안보와 자주국방의 딜레마)

  • Kim, Seun Rae
    • Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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    • v.14 no.4
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    • pp.27-52
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    • 2011
  • The regions of Central Asia have each acquired an elevated strategic importance in the new security paradigm of post-September 1lth. Comprised of five states, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, Central Asia's newly enhanced strategic importance stems from several other factors, ranging from trans-national threats posed by Islamic extremism, drug production and trafficking, to the geopolitical threats inherent in the region's location as a crossroads between Russia, Southwest Asia and China. Although the U.S. military presence in the region began before September 11th, the region became an important platform for the projection of U.S. military power against the Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan. The analysis goes on to warn that 'with US troops already in place to varying extents in Central Asian states, it becomes particularly important to understand the faultlines, geography, and other challenges this part of the world presents'. The Kyrgyz military remains an embryonic force with a weak chain of command, the ground force built to Cold War standards, and an almost total lack of air capabilities. Training, discipline and desertion - at over 10 per cent, the highest among the Central Asian republics - continue to present major problems for the creation of combat-effective armed forces. Kyrgyzstan has a declared policy of national defence and independence without the use of non-conventional weapons. Kyrgyzstan participates in the regional security structures, such as the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) but, in security matters at least, it is dependent upon Russian support. The armed forces are poorly trained and ill-equipped to fulfil an effective counter-insurgency or counter-terrorist role. The task of rebuilding is much bigger, and so are the stakes - the integrity and sovereignty of the Kyrgyz state. Only democratization, the fight against corruption, reforms in the military and educational sectors and strategic initiatives promoting internal economic integration and national cohesion hold the key to Kyrgyzstan's lasting future