• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
• /
• v.22 no.1
• /
• pp.19-48
• /
• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.96
• /
• pp.123-154
• /
• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
• /
• v.17 no.1
• /
• pp.43-54
• /
• 2001

This study was to investigate the behavior related to health, food habits, food consumption pattern and nutrient intakes of female students who residing in dormitory(self cooking) according to BMI(Body Mass Index). This study was carried out by questionnaired on June, 2000. Three hundred nine students were answered. The results were as follows: 1. The means of height, weight and BMI were 162.37$\pm$4.36cm, 52.48$\pm$5.54kg and 19.89$\pm$1.89. Under 20 of BMI among students were 53.1% and 20-25 of BMI were 46.9% of students. 2. In the self recognition of body shape, 63.4% of under weight subjects answered that their weight were normal. 73.1% of normal weight regard themselves more obese than their actual body shape normally shows. 51.2% of under weight subjects had attempted to control their weight. This results suggest that their weight control attempts were unnecessary. 3. 81.4% of subjects were answered irregular meals regardless BMI. 89.6% of subjects skipped breakfast. The main reasons were due to lack of time or not to eat proper food. Under weight subjects had less snack than normal weight subjects did(p '||'&'||'lt; 0.05). Normal weight subjects had more bun and cake than under weight subjects(p '||'&'||'gt; 0.05). 4. The consumption of vegetables and fruits were low regardless BMI. Mean energy, protein, Fe, Vit A, B$_1$, B$_2$, niacin, Vit C were above 75% of RDA, except calcium, in subjects. This study suggest that a comprehensive nutrition education program is need for college student in dormitory to improve their eating habits about skipping meal and breakfast and to increase the consumption of vegetables and fruits.

• Journal of Aquaculture
• /
• v.21 no.4
• /
• pp.203-212
• /
• 2008

A nutritional demand of oyster, Crassostrea gigas larva as part of research for improving of utilization of microalgae being used for the artificial oyster seed production. The change of body growth and biochemical compositions of larvae were investigated during larvae rearing in hatchery. The larvae were cultured in 60 M/T tank and fed mixture 6 different phytoplankton species, Isochrysis galbana (30%), Cheatoceros gracilis (20%), Pavlova lutheri (20%), Phaeodactylum triconutum (10%), Nannochryis oculata (10%) and Tetraselmis tetrathele (10%). The initial feeding amount was $0.3{\times}10^4cells/mL$ at three times a day to D-shaped larva and the feeding amount had been increased 30% gradually every two day since the larvae were raising. The larvae were developed from D shape to pediveliger stage for 12 days. The daily growth of shell length and hight were $5.8{\sim}30.8\;{\mu}m$ and $8.7{\sim}31.4\;{\mu}m$, respectively and weight gains were changed from D shape to pediveliger as follow: wet weight was $0.52{\sim}15.0\;{\mu}g/larva$, dry weight was $0.2{\sim}6.5\;{\mu}g/larva$, and ash free dry weight was $0.1{\sim}8.5\;{\mu}g/larva$. The larvae growth pattern shown a logarithmic phase from D shape to umbone stage but after that stage shown a exponential growth aspect. The crude protein, crude lipid and nitrogen free extract (NFE) of larvae during rearing periods were analyzed as $6.1{\sim}10.6%$, $0.6{\sim}1.1%$ and 1.0-2.7%, respectively. And the total amino acid contents of the larvae during rearing periods were in order as glutamic acid $1.26{\sim}2.24%$, aspartic acid $0.97{\sim}1.70%$, and methionine $0.12{\sim}0.33%$. Of the total fatty acid in the analyzed larvae, the saturated fatty acid (SSAFA) was decreased from 54.3% (D shaped larvae) to 17.1 % (pediveliger) as larvae development but the total mono-unsaturated fatty acid (${\Sigma}MOFA$) and Poly-unsaturated fatty acid (${\Sigma}PUFA$) were increased from 29.9% and 7.8% to 40.6% and 45.6%, respectively. By the way the each fatty acid of the larvae were composed of palmitic acid $9.89{\sim}36.95%$, oleic acid $12.17{\sim}32.29%$, linoleic acid $1.96{\sim}33.55%$, EPA $2.17{\sim}11.58%$ and DHA $1.95{\sim}4.51%$. As a result of this study, the larvae of oyster were demanded a various nutrients for healthy growth and the feeding control, expecially after umbone stage larvae are a rapidly growing time, is very important for success of artificial seed production.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
• /
• v.41 no.3
• /
• pp.329-334
• /
• 2008

Background: Percutaneous cardiopulmonary support. (PCPS) has the potential to rescue patients in cardiogenic shock who might otherwise die. PCPS has been a therapeutic option in a variety of the clinical settings such as for patients with myocardial Infarction, high-risk coronary intervention and postcardiotomy cardiogenic shock, and the PCPS device is easy to install. We report our early experience with PCPS as a life saving procedure in cardiogenic shock patients due to acute myocardial infarction. Material and Method: From January 2005 to December 2006, eight patients in cardiogenic shock with acute myocardial infarction underwent PCPS using the CAPIOX emergency bypass system($EBS^{(R)}$, Terumo, Tokyo, Japan). Uptake cannulae were inserted deep into the femoral vein up to the right atrium and return cannulae were inserted into the femoral artery with Seldinger techniques using 20 and 16-French cannulae, respectively. Simultaneously, autopriming was performed at the $EBS^{(R)}$ circuit. The $EBS^{(R)}$ flow rate was maintained between $2.5{\sim}3.0L/min/m^2$ and anticoagulation was performed using intravenous heparin with an ACT level above 200 seconds. Result: The mean age of patients was $61.1{\pm}14.2$ years (range, 39 to 77 years). Three patients were under control of the $EBS^{(R)}$ before percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI), three patients were under control of the $EBS^{(R)}$ during PCI, one patient was under control of the $EBS^{(R)}$ after PCI, and one patient was under control of the $EBS^{(R)}$ after coronary bypass surgery. The mean support time was $47.5{\pm}27.9$ hours (range, 8 to 76 hours). Five patients (62.5%) could be weaned from the $EBS^{(R)}$ after $53.6{\pm}27.2$ hours. (range, 12 to 68 hours) of support. All of the patients who could successfully be weaned from support were discharged from the hospital. There were three complications: one case of gastrointestinal bleeding and two cases of acute renal failure. Two of the three mortality cases were under cardiac arrest before $EBS^{(R)}$ support, and one patient had an intractable ventricular arrhythmia during the support. All of the discharged patients are still surviving at $16.8{\pm}3.1$ months (range, 12 to 20 months) of follow-up. Conclusion: The use of $EBS^{(R)}$ for cardiogenic shock caused by an acute myocardial infarction could rescue patients who might otherwise have died. Successfully recovered patients after $EBS^{(R)}$ treatment have survived without severe complications. More experience and additional clinical investigations are necessary to elucidate the proper installation timing and management protocol of the $EBS^{(R)}$ in the future.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
• /
• v.41 no.3
• /
• pp.320-328
• /
• 2008

Background: Numerous surgical devices for mitral repair have been used in the past with good results. In this study we describe a simple annuloplasty technique with using a new device ($Mitracon^{(R)}$). The aim of this study was to assess its efficacy and surgical results with using $Mitracon^{(R)}$. Material and Method: From May 2003 to October 2005, 46 patients (21 women and 25 men (mean age of $51.4{\pm}17.8$ years) with mitral regurgitation from various causes were treated with either the $Mitracon^{(R)}$ (the $Mitracon^{(R)}$ group) or the Capentier Edward rigid ring (the CE group). The median follow-up duration was 18.9 months. Result: The mean grade of mitral regurgitation before and immediately after surgery in the $Mitracon^{(R)}$ group and the CE group decreased from $3.2{\pm}0.8$ to $0.6{\pm}0.7$ and $3.4{\pm}0.7$ to $0.3{\pm}0.5$, respectively. There were no significant changes in the ejection fraction either between the two groups or before and immediately after surgery. No deaths were seen in either group. Early postoperative echocardiography of all 46 patients showed only trivial mitral regurgitation or none at all. Echocardiography at a median of 18.9 months also showed no progression in mitral regurgitation. The mean grade of mitral regurgitation in the $Mitracon^{(R)}$ group at this time point decreased from $3.2{\pm}0.8$ to $0.8{\pm}0.7$ (p<0.05). The CE group also showed a similar degree of decrease from $3.4{\pm}0.7$ to $0.3{\pm}0.6$ (p<0.05). The mitral valve area in the $Mitracon^{(R)}$ group at 1 year follow-up was $3.3{\pm}0.9cm^2$. The mitral valve area in the CE group was $2.7{\pm}0.6cm^2$. The mean mitral pressure gradient in the $Mitracon^{(R)}$ group at 1 year follow-up was $3.1{\pm}1.3$ mmHg. The mean pressure gradient in the CE group was $4.5{\pm}2.1$ mmHg, although any statistical significant difference for this between the groups was not reached. Conclusion: The present study showed the described technique to be safe and effective in the intermediate term. Because long term results are unavailable, a more extensive prospective randomized multicenter trial may be warranted to determine whether this procedure should be generally applied for repair of mitral valve disease.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
• /
• v.36 no.7
• /
• pp.463-471
• /
• 2003

The long-term results of combined mitral valve repair and aortic valve replacement (AVR) have not been well evaluated. This study was performed to investigate the early and long-term results of mitral valve repair with AVR. Material and Method: We retrospectively reviewed 45 patients who underwent mitral valve repair and AVR between September 1990 and April 2002. The average age was 47 years: 28 were men and 17 women. Twelve patients had atrial fibrillation and three had a previous cardiac operation. The mitral valve disease consisted of pure insufficiency (MR) in 34 patients, mitral stenosis (MS) in 3, and mixed lesion in 8. Mitral valve disease was due to rheumatic origin in 24 patients, degenerative in 11, annular dilatation in 8, and ischemia or endocarditis in 2. The functional anatomy of mitral valve was annular dilatation in 31 patients, chordal elongation in 19, leaflet thickening in 19, commissural fusion in 13, chordal fusion in 10, chordal rupture in 6, and so on. Aortic prostheses used included mechanical valve in 32 patients, tissue valve in 12, and pulmonary autograft in one. The techniques of mitral valve repair included annuloplasty in 32 patients and various valvuloplasty of 54 techniques in 29 patients. Total cardiopulmonary bypass and aortic cross clamp time were 204$\pm$62 minute and 153$\pm$57 minutes, respectively. Result: Early death was in one patient due to low output syndrome (2.2%). After follow up of 57$\pm$37 months, late death was in one patient and the actuarial survival at 10 years was 96$\pm$4%. Recurrent MR developed grade II or III in 11 patients and moderate MS in 3. Three patients required reoperation for valve-related complications. The actuarial freedom from recurrent MR, MS, and reoperation were 64$\pm$11%, 86$\pm$8%, and 89$\pm$7% respectively. Conclusion: Combined mitral valve repair with AVR offers good early and long-term survival, and adequate techniques and selection of indication of mitral valve repair, especially in rheumatic disease, are prerequisites for better long-term results.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
• /
• v.37 no.12
• /
• pp.967-977
• /
• 2004

Background: DNA methylation is one of the important gene expression mechanisms of the cell. When cytosine of CpG dinucleotide in promotor is hypomethylated, expression of some genes that is controlled by this promoter is altered. In this study, the author investigated the effect of DNA demethylating agent, 5-aza-2'-deoxycytidine (ADC), on the expressions of cancer antigen genes, MHC and B7 in 4 lung cancer cell lines, NCIH1703, NCIH522, MRC-5, and A549. Material and Method: After treatment of cell lines, NCIH1703, NCIH522, MRC-5 and A549 with ADC (1 uM) for 48 hours, RT-PCR was performed by using the primers of MAGE, GAGE, NY-ESO-1, PSMA, CEA, and SCC antigen gene. In order to find the optimal ADC treatment condition for induction of cancer antigen, we studied the effect of ADC treatment time and dose on the cancer antigen gene expression. To know the effect of ADC on the expression of MHC or B7 and cell growth, cells were treated with 1 uM of ADC for 72 hours for FACS analysis or cells were treated with 0.2, 1 or 5 uM of ADC for 96 hours for cell counting. Result: After treatment of ADC (1 uM) for 48 hours, the expressions of MAGE, GAGE, NY-ESO-1, and PSMA genes increased in some cell lines. Among 6 MAGE isotypes tested, and gene expression of MAGE-1, -2, -3, -4 and -6 could be induced by ADC treatment. However, CEA gene expression did not change and SCC gene expression was decreased by ADC treatment. Gene expression was generally induced 24 - 28 hours after ADC treatment and expression of MAGE, GAGE, and NY-ESO-1 was maintained at least 14 days after ADC ADC teatment, and expression of MAGE, GAGE, and NY-ESO-1 was maintained at least 14 days after ADC teatment in ADC-Free medium. Most gene expression could be induced at 0.2 uM of ADC, but gene expression increased dependently on ADC treatment dose. The expression of MHC and B7 was not increased by ADC treatment in all four cell lines, and the growth rate of 4 cell lines decreased significantly with the increase of ADC concentrations. Conclusion: Treatment of lung cancer cell lines with ADC increases the gene expression MAGE, GAGE and NY-ESO-1 that are capable of induction of cytotoxic T lymphocyte response. We suggest that treatment with 1 uM of ADC for 48 hours and then culturing in ADC-free medium is optimal condition for induction of cancer antigen. However, ADC has no effect on MHC and B7 induction, additional modification for increase of expression of MHC, B7 and cytokine will be needed for production of efficient cancer cell vaccine.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.47-55
• /
• 1998

Background : It is almost important therapy modality to control pain for the terminal cancer patients for the last 24 hours because those terminally illed patient deserved to have pain free and peaceful time before death. Physician who is deal with terminal cancer patients for their last 24 hours does not need to worry about drug addiction or other untoward side reactions of pain medications. The purpose of this study was to evaluate if terminally illed cancer patient was given pain medication properly and sufficiently and if there was any different behavior to control pain of terminal cancer patients between medical physicians and surgeons in terms of type, amount and administration route and frequency. Methods : A retrospective chart audit of analgesic type, amount and administration route was performed on the medical recorders of 160 hospitalized terminal cancer patients who had died in the Korea University Medical Center Anam Hospital during the period of July 1, 1994 to June 30, 1995. Patients were classified into 103 patients were cared for by medical physicians and 57 patients were cared for by surgeons. After then, we analysed the difference of pain control pattern between them. Different types and amount of analgesics were converted to a common standard, an oral morphine equivalents(OME) relative to 1mg of oral morphine. Results : 1) The total number of patients was 160, male 102 cases(63.8%), and the female was 58 cases(36.2%) respectively. 2) The mean age was 56.4(${\pm}14.62$) years old and mean admission period was 27.8 days(${\pm}34.85$). 3) The frequent cancer site was stomach 42 cases(26.315), lung and liver 29 cases(18.1%) each, pancreas 10 cases(6.2%) in order 4) 125 out of 160 subjects (78.13%) complained pain, and 66 out of 103(64.08%) and 31 out of 57(54.39%) were treated with analgesics to relieve pain. 50 out of 97(51.55%) were able to continue on oral medication. 5) 86 cases(53.75%) were well oriented 24 hours prior to death. 6) The frequent analgesics for regular basis were long acting form of oral morphine 34 cases(Medical phsicians 24, Surgeons 10), intravenous morphine 26 cases(Medical physicians 20, Surgeons 6) in order, and the most common p.r.n.(pro re nata) analgesics used was intravenous morphine. 7) The mean amount of analgesics on regular basis was 115.41 OME by medical physicians and 52.7 OME by surseons(P<0.05). The mean amount of p.r.n. analgesics was significantly larger in patients are for by surgeons(66.64 OME) than medical physicians 23.49 OME(P<0.01). 8) The mean frequency of administrated number of p.r.n. analgesics was 0.62 times/day on medical part and 1.88 times/day on surgical part (P<0.001). Conclusion : Of the 97 patients with advanced cancer, 51.55% were able to take oral medications in the last day of life. The parenteral analgesics were more frequently used in the patients cared for by surgeons than medical physicians. Over the half of terminal cancer patients were well oriented in the last day of life. Doctor's knowledge and attitude towards pain is very important to mange the pain, effectively.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.139-161
• /
• 2009

The idea of establishing an International Court of Air and Space Law (hereinafter referred to ICASL) is only my academic and practical opinion as first proposal in the global community. The establishment of the International Court of Air and Space Law can promote the speed and promote fairness of the trial in air and space law cases. The creation of an ICASL would lead to strengthening of the international cooperation deemed essential by the global community towards joint settlement in the transnational air and space cases, claims and would act as a catalyst for the efforts and solution on aircraft, satellite and space shuttle's accidents and cases and all manpower, information, trial and lawsuit to be centrally managed in an independent fashion to the benefit of global community. The aircraft, satellite and spacecraft's accidents attributes to the particular and different features between the road, railway and maritime's accidents. These aircraft, satellite and spacecraft's accidents have incurred many disputes between the victims and the air and space carriers in deciding on the limited or unlimited liability for compensation and the appraisal of damages caused by the aircraft's accidents, terror attack, satellite, space shuttle's accidents and space debris. This International Court of Air and Space Law could hear any claim growing out of both international air and space crash accidents and transnational accidents in which plaintiffs and defendants are from different nations. This alternative would eliminate the lack of uniformity of decisions under the air and space conventions, protocols and agreements. In addition, national courts would no longer have to apply their own choice of law analysis in choosing the applicable liability limits or un-limit for cases that do not fall under the air and space system. Thus, creation of an International Court of Air and Space Law would eliminate any disparity of damage awards among similarly situated passengers and shippers in nonmembers of air and space conventions, protocols, agreements and cases. Furthermore, I would like to explain the main items of the abovementioned Draft for the Convention or Statute of the International Court of Air and Space Law framed in comparison with the Statute of the International Court of Justice, the Statue of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea and the Statute of the International Criminal Court. First of all, in order to create the International Court of Air and Space Law, it is necessary for us to legislate a Draft for the Convention on the Establishment of the International Court of Air and Space Law. This Draft for the Convention must include the elected method of judges, term, duty and competence of judge, chambers, jurisdiction, hearing and judgment of the ICASL. The members of the Court shall be elected by the General Assembly and Council of the ICAO and by the General Assembly and Legal Committee of the UNCOPUOS from a list of persons nominated by the national groups in the six continent (the North American, South American, African, Oceania and Asian Continent) and two international organization such as ICAO and UNCOPUOS. The members of the Court shall be elected for nine years and may be re-elected as one time. However, I would like to propose a creation an International Court of Air and Space Law in extending jurisdiction to the International Court of Justice at the Hague to in order to decide the air and space convention‘s cases. My personal opinion is that if an International Court on Air and Space Law will be created in future, it will be settled quickly and reasonably the difficulty and complicated disputes, cases or lawsuit between the wrongdoer and victims and the injured person caused by aircraft, satellite, spacecraft's accidents or hijacker and terrorists etc. on account of deciding the standard of judgment by judges of that’s court. It is indeed a great necessary and desirable for us to make a new Draft for the Convention on a creation of the International Court of Air and Space Law to handle international air and space crash litigation. I shall propose to make a new brief Draft for the Convention on the Creation of an International Court of Air and Space Law in the near future.