• Nuclear Medicine and Molecular Imaging
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.301-306
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• 2008

Purpose: Recently, a number of patients needed total thyroidectomy and high dose radioiodine therapy (HD-RAI) get increased more. The aim of this study is to evaluate whether pathological staging (PS) and serum thyroglobulin (sTG) level could replace the diagnostic I-123 scan for the determination of therapeutic dose of HD-RAI in patients with differentiated thyroid cancer. Materials and Methods: Fifty eight patients (M:F=13;45, age $44.5{\pm}11.5\;yrs$) who underwent total thyroidectomy and central or regional lymph node dissection due to differentiated thyroid cancer were enrolled. Diagnostic scan of I-123 and sTG assay were also performed on off state of thyroid hormone. The therapeutic doses of I-131 (TD) were determined by the extent of uptakes on diagnostic I-123 scan as a gold standard. PS was graded by the criteria recommended in 6th edition of AJCC cancer staging manual except consideration of age. For comparison of the determination of therapeutic doses, PS and sTG were compared with the results of I-123 scan. Results: All patients were underwent HD-RAI. Among them, five patients (8.6%) were treated with 100 mCi of I-131, fourty three (74.1%) with 150 mCi, six (10.3%) with 180 mCi, three (5.2%) with 200 mCi, and one (1.7%) with 250 mCi, respectively. On the assessment of PS, average TDs were $154{\pm}25\;mCi$ in stage I (n=9), $175{\pm}50\;mCi$ in stage II (n=4), $149{\pm}21\;mCi$ in stage III (n=38), and $161{\pm}20\;mCi$ in stage IV (n=7). The statistical significance was not shown between PS and TD (p=0.169). Among fifty two patients who had available sTG, 25 patients (48.1%) having below 2 ng/mL of sTG were treated with $149{\pm}26\;mCi$ of I-131, 9 patients (17.3%) having $2{\leq}\;sTG\;<5\;ng/mL$ with $156{\pm}17\;mCi$, 5 patients (9.6%) having $5{\leq}\;sTG\;<10\;ng/mL$ with $156{\pm}13\;mCi$, 7 patients (13.5%) having $10{\leq}sTG\;<50\;ng/mL$ with $147{\pm}24\;mCi$, and 6 patients (11.5%) having above 50 ng/mL with $175{\pm}42\;mCi$. The statistical significance between sTG level and TD (p=0.252) was not shown. Conclusion: In conclusion, PS and sTG could not replace the determination of TD using I-123 scan for first HD-RAI in patients with differentiated thyroid cancer.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.154-163
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• 2005

Irregular discharges of freshwater through the water gates of the Keum River Estuarine Weir, Korea, whose construction had been completed in 1998 with its water gates being operated as late as August 1994, drastically modified the estuarine environment. Sharp decrease of salinity along with the altered concentrations of inorganic nutrients are accompanied with the irregular discharges of freshwater into the estuary under the influence of regular semi-diurnal tidal effect. Field sampling was carried out on the time of high tide at 2 fixed stations(St.1 near the Estuarine Weir and St.2 off Kunsan Ferry Station) every other day for 4 months from mid-February 2004 to investigate into the semi-weekly variation of spring phytoplankton community in relation to the freshwater discharges from Keum River Estuarine Weir. CV(coefficient of variation) of salinity measurements was roughly 2 times greater in St.1 than that in St.2, reflecting extreme salinity variation in St.1 Among inorganic nutrients, concentrations of N-nutrients($NO_3^-,\;NO_2^-$ and $NH_4^+$) were clearly higher in St.1, to imply the more drastic changes of the nutrient concentrations in St.1. than St.2 following the freshwater discharges. As a component of phytoplankton community, diatoms were among the top dominants in terms of species richness as well as biomass. Solitary centric diatom, Cyclotella meneghiniana, and chain-forming centric diatom, Skeletonema costatum, dominated over the phytoplankton community in order for S-6 weeks each (Succession Interval I and II), and the latter succeeded to the former from the time of <$10^{\circ}C$ of water temperature. Cyanobacterial species, Aphanizomenon Posaquae and Phormidium sp., which might be transported into the estuary along with the discharged freshwater, occupied high portion of total biomass during Succession Interval III(mid-April to late-May). During this period, freshwater species exclusively dominated over the phytoplankton community except the low concentrations of the co-occurring 2 estuarine diatoms, Cyclotella meneghiniana and Skeletonema costatum. During the 4th Succession Interval when the water temperature was over $18^{\circ}C$, the diatom, Guinardia delicatula, was predominant for a week with the highest dominance of $75\%$ in discrete samples. To summarize, during all the Succession Intervals other than Succession Interval III characterized by the extreme variation of salinity under cooler water temperature than $18^{\circ}C$, the diatoms were the most important dominants for species succession in spring. If the scale and frequency of the freshwater discharge could have been adjusted properly even during the Succession Interval III, the dominant species would quite possibly be replaced by other estuarine diatom species rather than the two freshwater cyanobacteria, Aphanizomenon flosaquae and Phormidium sp.. The scheme of field sampling every other day for the present study was concluded to be the minimal requirement in order to adequately explore the phytoplankton succession in such estuarine environment as in Keum River Estuary: which is stressed by the unpredictable and unavoidable discharges of freshwater under the regular semi-diurnal tide.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.121-141
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• 2007

The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai (古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai ' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period, However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up' was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai', Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷), Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows First. Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方), and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)" Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshirnasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言) Third. Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei jing(黃帝內徑)" and "Nan jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshirnasu Todo and got experience through Chuan Yue(川越) and Fu jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) from famous teachers. Showhaku(宗伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and recieves help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue GU(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao Chuang and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衝心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵I), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正犬皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the quality and quantity of his clinical skills Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)", "WU Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)" he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking. In the first volume of "Shung Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術) and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

• Journal of Sericultural and Entomological Science
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.101-108
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• 2012

This study was conducted to confirm the mass production of male pupae and sex-limited larval marking variety as a host for synnemata production of Isaria tenupes in RDA(Rural Development Administration). Silkworm pupation, infection rate and synnemate formation of I.tenuipes were examined. Among the silkworm varieties tested, male Hansaengjam showed the highest pupation rate at 98.7%. I. tenuipes infection rate of larvae of newly-exuviated 5th instar silkworm was 83.7 ~ 90.4% in the spring rearing season and 91.7 ~ 96.6% in the autumn rearing season. Synnemata production of I. tenuipes was execellent in female Yangwonjam with an incidence rate of 99.5% followed by male Yangwonjam(99.5%) and Baegokjam(99.4%) in the spring and autumn rearing season. Synnemata living weight ranged from 0.93 ~ 1.25 g in the spring rearing season. The female Hansaengjam had the heaviest synnemata weight(1.25 g). Synnemata dry weight ranged from 0.27 ~ 0.35 g in the spring rearing season. The female Yangwonjam had the heaviest synnemata weight(0.35 g).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.220-239
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• 2019

According to the National Currency (國幣) article in GyeongGukDaeJeon (經國大典), the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was a seal that was imprinted on both ends of a piece of hemp fabric (布). It was used for the circulation of hemp fabric as a fabric currency (布幣). The issued fabric currency was used as a currency for trade or as pecuniary means to have one's crime exempted or replace one's labor duty. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn would be imprinted on a piece of hemp fabric (布) to collect one-twentieth of tax. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was one of the historical currencies and seal materials used during the early Chosun dynasty. Its imprint was a means of collecting taxes; hence, it was one of the taxation research materials. Despite its value, however, there has been no active research undertaken on it. Thus, the investigator conducted comprehensive research on it based on related content found in JeonRokTongGo (典錄通考), Dae'JeonHu-Sok'Rok (大典後續錄), JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄) and other geography books (地理志) as well as the materials mentioned by researchers in previous studies. The investigator demonstrated that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was established based on the concept of circulating Choson fabric notes (朝鮮布貨) with a seal on ChongOseungp'o (正五升布) in entreaty documents submitted in 1401 and that the fabric currency (布幣) with the imprint of the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was used as a currency for trade, pecuniary or taxation means of having one's crime exempted, or replacing one's labor, and as a tool of revenue from ships. The use of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn continued even after a ban on fabric currencies (布幣) in March 1516 due to a policy on the "use of Joehwa (paper notes)" in 1515. It was still used as an official seal on local official documents in 1598. During the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖), it was used to make a military service (軍布) hemp fabric. Some records of 1779 indicate that it was used as a means of taxation for international trade. It is estimated that approximately 330 ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn were in circulation based on records in JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄). Although there was the imprint of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn in An Inquiry on Choson Currency (朝鮮貨幣考) published in 1940, there had been no fabric currencies (布幣) with its imprint on them or genuine cases of the seal. It was recently found among the artifacts of Wongaksa Temple. The seal imprint was also found on historical manuscripts produced at the Jikjisa Temple in 1775. The investigator compared the seal imprints found on the historical manuscripts of the Jikjisa Temple, attached to TapJwaJongJeonGji (塔左從政志), and published in An Inquiry on Choson Currency with the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn housed at the Wongaksa Temple. It was found that these seal imprints were the same shape as the one at Wongaksa Temple. In addition, their overall form was the same as the one depicted in Daerokji (大麓誌) and LiJaeNanGo (?齋亂藁). These findings demonstrate that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn at Wongaksa Temple was a seal made in the 15th century and is, therefore, an important artifact in the study of Choson's currency history, taxation, and seals. There is a need for future research examining its various aspects.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.54-73
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• 2012

In this article, we examined the patterns of activities of the Sarmathians though in a humble measure, with a focus on the regions where the Sarmathian sheaths spreaded. One of the main weapons the mounted nomads like the Scythias, the Sarmathians, and the Alans used at war was a spear. Though complementary, a sword was the most convenient and appropriate weapon when fighting at a near distance, fallen from the horse to the ground. The Sarmathian swords continued the tradition of the Akinakes which the Scythias or the Persians used, but those of the Sarmathians showed some advances in terms of the easiness with which a sword was drawn out from a sheath, and the way the sheaths were worn to parts of a human body. It turns out that the Sarmathian sheaths, which were designed for the people to draw swords easily, having the sheaths attached to thighs through 4 bumps, spread extensively from Pazyryk, Altai, to South Siberia, Bactria, Parthia and Rome. The most noteworthy out of all the Sarmathian sheaths were the ones that were excavated from the 4th tomb in Tillatepe, Afghanistan which belonged to the region of Bactria. The owner of the fourth tomb of Tilla-tepe whose region was under the control of Kushan Dynasty at that time, was buried wearing Sarmathian swords, and regarded as a big shot in the region of Bactria which was also under the governance of Kushan Dynasty. The fact that the owner of the tomb wore two swords suggests that there had been active exchange between Bactria and Sarmathia. It seemed that the reason why the Sarmathians could play an important role in the exchange between the East and the West might have something to do with their role of supplying Chinese goods to Silk Road. That's why we are interested in how the copper mirrors of Han Dynasty, decoration beads like melon-type beads, crystal beads and goldring articulated beads, and the artifacts of South China which produced silks were excavated in the northern steppe route where the Sarmathians actively worked. Our study have established that the eye beads discovered in Sarmathian tomb estimated to have been built around the 1st century B.C. were reprocessed in China, and then imported to Sarmathia again. We should note the Huns as a medium between the Sarmathians and the South China which were far apart from each other. Thus gold-ring articulated beads which were spread out mainly across the South China has been discovered in the Huns' remains. On the other hand, between 2nd century B.C. and 2nd century A.D. which were main periods of the Sarmathians, it was considered that the traffic route connecting the steppe route and the South China might be West-South silk road which started from Yunnan, passed through Myanmar, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, and then went into the east of India. The West-south Silk road is presumed to have been used by nomadic tribes who wanted to get the goods from South China before the Oasis route was activated by the Han Dynasty's policy of managing the countries bordering on Western China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.160-189
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• 2010

This study has been designed to grasp the present situation, shapes and meaning of the standing stones and rock pillars in the whole area of Noseong Mountain Fortress in Nonsan City which have never been academically reported yet. Accordingly, the research was carried out to grasp the spatial identity of Noseong Mt. and Noseong Mountain Fortress and the dispersion of standing stones scattered around inside and outside Noseong Mountain Fortress, while the shapes and structural characteristics of stones were investigated and analyzed focusing on Chongsuk Temple, which was considered to have the highest density of standing stones and greatest values for preservation as a cultural property. In consideration of the reference to the 'Top Sa' (tower temple) at the 'Bul Woo Jo' (Article about Buddhism Houses) of 'Shinjoong Dongguk Yeoji Seungram', theoretical existence of the temple according to surveying investigation, and the excavation records of roof tile pieces with the name of 'Gwan Eum Temple', it is presumed that there had been a Buddhist sanctum inside the fortress and it could be connected to the carved letters, 'Chongsuk Temple'. According the observation survey, the 6th place of standing stones among many other places inside the fortress shows that Chongsuk Temple appears to have the strong characteristics of artificially constructed space in consideration of the size of trees and stones, the composite trend of tree and stone composition, and trace of the adjacent well and strand and the construction of stairway leading to the stone gate. Along with the constellation of the Big Dipper carved on a rock at the same space, the stones, on which the letters of 'Shinseonam', 'Chilseongam' and 'Daejangam' were carved, including 'Chongsuksa', and the carved statue of Buddha, which was assumed to be Avalokitesvara Guan Yin, have offered clue which make it possible to infer that the space was a space for Chilseong and Mountain god(Folk Belief) that had originated from the combination of Buddhism, Taoism and folk religion. According to the actual measurement of standing stones at Chonsuk Temple, it was identified that there were big differences in height among 24 stones in total, ranging from 402~29cm and the averaged distance between each stone appeared to be 23.6cm. And the shape of stones appeared to be standing or flat, and various stones such as mountain-like stones and Buddha-like stones were placed in a special arrangement or assorted arrangement, but the direction of the stones had a consistency pointing to the west. And comparing to the trace of construction of ZEN Landscape Garden well known in the country, the three flat stones except for the standing and shaped stones appeared to have the shape of meditation statue, which is the typical formational factors of a ZEN Landscape Garden, on the basis of formational technique of stones. Among them, the flat stone facing the Buddhist saint statue, was formed by way of symbolization of three-mountain stone, which was assumed to be an offering stone for sacrificial food rather than carrying out ZEN Meditation. In consideration of the formation of standing stones at Chong-suk Temple, which was carried out in the composite stoning method based using the scalene triangle with ratio of 3:5:7 in order to seek the in-depth beauty based on the stone statues of three Buddhas where the three factors such as heaven, earth and humans are embodied in the elevated or flat formation, the stones at Chongsuk Temple and the space seemed to the trace of contracted garden construction that was formed with stones for a temple, so that could be used for ZEN meditation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.4-21
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate changes of Jinju Sword Dance, characteristics of the changes, and the current condition of its preservation and succession after the designation as the important intangible cultural property no. 12 in January 16th, 1967. In other words, this study understands the situation which has established the present state of after changes over generations. As of now. the year of 2015, the 3 generation holders have been approved since 1967. In 1967, 8 members of $1^{st}$ generation holders were selected from gisaengs of Gwonbeon. However, the succession training was incomplete due to conflicts among the holders, the deaths of some holders, and economic activities of the individuals. As the need of a pivot for succession training and activities was rising, Seong, Gye-Ok was additionally approved as the $2^{nd}$ generation holder on June $21^{st}$, 1978. Seong, Gye-Ok who had never been a gisaeng had dramatically changed with a lot of new attempts. After the death of Seong, Gye-Ok in 2009, Kim, Tae-Yeon and Yu, Yeong-Hee were approved as the $3^{rd}$ generation holders in February, 2010. Based on the resources including the "Cultural Research Reports of Important Intangible Cultural Properties" in 1966 and videos up to 2014, the changes of the dance and surroundings are as follow. 1. The formation of musical accompaniment has been changed during the 3 generations. In the video of the $1^{st}$ generation(in 1970), the performance lasted about 15 minutes, whereas the performance lasted 25 minutes in the video of the $2^{nd}$ generation. Yumbuldoduri rhythm was considered as Ginyumbul(Sangryeongsan) and played more slowly. The original dance requiring only 15 rhythms was extended to 39 rhythms to provide longer performance time. In the $3^{rd}$ generation, the dance recovered 15 rhythms using the term Ginyumbul. The facts that Yumbul was played for 3 minutes in the $1^{st}$ generation but for 5 minutes in the 3rd generation shows that there was tendency pursuing the slowness from the $2^{nd}$ generation. 2. For the composition of the Dance, the performance included additional 20 rhythms of Ginyumbul and Ah(亞)-shaped formation from the $2^{nd}$ generation. From the $3^{rd}$ generation, the performance excluded the formation which had no traditional base. For the movement of the Dance, the bridge poses of Ggakjittegi and Bangsukdoli have been visibly inflexible. Also, the extention of time value in 1 beat led the Dance less vibrant. 3. At the designation as an important intangible cultural property (in 1967), the swords with rotatable necks were used, whereas the dancers had been using the swords with non-rotatable necks since late 1970s when the $2^{nd}$ generation holder began to used them. The swords in the "Research Reports" (in 1966) was pointy and semilunar, whereas the straight swords are being used currently. The use of the straight swords can be confirmed from the videos after 1970. 4. There is no change in wearing Jeonlib, Jeonbok, and Hansam, whereas the arrangement of Saekdong of Hansam was different from the arrangement shown in the "Research Reports". Also, dancers were considered to begin wearing the navy skirts when the swords with non-rotatable necks began to be used. Those results showed that has been actively changed for 50 years after the designation. The $2^{nd}$ generation holder, Seong, Gye-Ok, was the pivot of the changes. However, , which was already designated as an important intangible cultural property, is considered to be only a victim of the change experiment from the project to restore Gyobang culture in Jinju, and it is a priority to conduct studies with historical legitimacy. First of all, the slowing beat should be emphasized as the main fact to reduce both the liveliness and dynamic beauty of the Dance.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.172-189
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• 2016

In this research, literature research on the Odong material, mixture ratio, casting method and casting facility was conducted on contemporary documents, such as Cheongong Geamul. Also, a long sword was produced using the Odong inlay technique. The sword reproduction steps were as follows; Odong alloying, silver soldering alloying, Odong plate and Silver plate production, hilt and sheath production, metal frame and decorative elements, such as a Dugup (metal frame), production, Odong inlay assembly and final assembly. For the Odong alloy production, the mixture ratio of the true Odong, which has copper and gold ratio of 20:1, was used. This is traditional ratio for high quality product according to $17^{th}$ century metallurgy instruction manual. The silver soldering alloy was produced with silver and brass(Cu 7 : Zn 3) ratio of 5:1 for inlay purpose and 5:2 ratio for simple welding purpose. The true Odong alloy laminated with silver plate was used to produce hilt and sheath. The alloy went through annealing and forging steps to make it into 0.6 mm thick plate and its backing layer, which is a silver plate, had the matching thickness. After the two plates were adhered, the laminated plate went through annealing, forging, engraving, silver inlaying, shaping, silver welding, finishing and polishing steps. During the Odong colouring process, its red surface turns black by induced corrosion and different hues can be achieved depending on its quality. To accomplish the silver inlay Odong techniques, a Hanji saturated with thirty day old urine is wrapped around a hilt and sheath material, then it is left at warm room temperature for two to three hours. The Odong's surface will turn black when silver inlay remains unchanged. Various scientific analysis were conducted to study composition of recreated Odong panel, silver soldering, silver plate and the colouring agent on Odong's surface. The recreated Odong had average out at Cu 95.57 wt% Au 4.16wt% and Cu 98.04 wt% Au 1.95wt%, when documented ratio in the old record is Cu 95wt% and Au 5wt%. The recreated Odong was prone to surface breakage during manufacturing process unlike material made with composition ratio written in the old record. On the silver plate of the silver and Odong laminate, 100wt% Ag was detected and between the two layers Cu, Ag and Au were detected. This proves that the adhesion between the two layers was successfully achieved. The silver soldering had varied composition of Ag depending on the location. This shows uneven composition of the silver welding. A large quantities of S, that was not initially present, was detected on the surface of the black Odong. This indicates that presence of S has influence on Odong colour. Additional study on the chromaticity, additional chemical compounds and its restoration are needed for the further understanding of the origin of Odong colour. The result of Odong alloy testing and recreation, Odong silver inlay long sword production, scientific analysis of the Odong black colouring agent will form an important foundation of knowledge for conservation of Odong artifact.