• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.139
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• pp.191-211
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• 2016

This study evaluates the flow of Taoism in the change of knowledge that accompany the passage of time beyond school-centered studies. In particular, it is to understand the Tao(道) and T'ien(天) of "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$" in the thought of T'ien at the time. The thought of T'ien at that time was based on the T'ien in "Mencius". There are two meanings of T'ien in "Mencius", and also of T'ien in "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$". This study examins that idea that the T'ien in "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$" were influenced by the thought of T'ien in "Mencius". It also reveals the T'ien theory of Wang Ch'ung(王充) which is influenced by Taoism. Also, in the course of examining the relation of T'ien theory of Wang Ch'ung with T'ien theories of "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$", it is more embodied that T'ien theories of "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$" were affected by the previous T'ien theories. Furthermore, the meanings of Tao in "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$" are revealed.

• Biotechnology and Bioprocess Engineering:BBE
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.301-305
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• 2001

The co-expression of the arg U gene in a double-vector expression system of recombi-nant Escherichia coli BL22(DE3)[pET-IEN2a+pAC-argU] significantly enhanced the production level of reconminant human interferon -$\alpha$2a(rhIFN-$\alpha$2a) in high cell density cultures, compared to a recombinant E. coli culture containing only the single expression vector, pET-IEN2a. The dry cell mass concentration increased to almost 100 g/L, and more than 4 g/L of rhIFN-$\alpha$2a was accumu-lated in the culture broth. Evidently, the synthesis of rhIFN-$\alpha$2a was strongly dependent on the pre-induction growtih rate and more efficient at a higher specific growth rate. The additional sup-ply of tRN $A^{Arg(AGG/AGA)}$ enhanced the expression level of the rhIFN-$\alpha$2a gene in the early stage of the post-induction phase, yet thereafter the specific production rate of rhIFN-$\alpha$2a rapidly de-creased due to severe segregational instability of plasmid vector pET-IEN2a. It would appear that the plasmid instability with only occurred to pET-IEN2a in the double vector system, was re-lated to the effect of translational stress due to the over expression of rhIFN-$\alpha$2a.

• Membrane and Water Treatment
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.83-93
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• 2013

In the present investigation, were synthesized composite membranes prepared by simultaneous casting of two polymer solutions using the technique of phase inversion by immersion / precipitation. The support layer was prepared using polyethersulfone and polysulfone as base polymer and for the top layer was used sulfonated polysulfone (SPSU) with 50% sulfonation degree. The morphology of the resulting membranes were characterized by scanning electron microscopy (SEM). The final results showed that it is possible to prepare composite membranes by simultaneous casting of two polymer solutions with adherence between the two layers. Regarding the permeation tests, the developed membranes presented values of hydraulic permeability within the range of commercial nanofiltration (NF) membranes. Values rejection of 80% ammonium ions can be increased by using a SPSU with a greater degree of sulfonation.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.35
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• pp.123-154
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• 2014

In the 17th and 18th centuries, when the Ryukyu kingdom had been invaded and controlled by Japan, some official texts about 'history' were documented. In that texts, there are some myths about the kings-Syunten(舜天), Eiso(英祖), Satto(察度), Syouhasi(尙巴志), Syouen(尙圓)-who founded dynasties of Ryukyu kingdom. This study attempts to delineate the features and meaning of those founder myths as a polotial discourse for kingship. The results of this study are as follows. 1. The founder myths are discourses to describe the genealogy of the Ryukyu kingdom as the result of Mandate of Heaven(T'ien Ming, 天命). 2. In ancient okinawa, the sun was a symbol of ruler. The king of Ryukyu kingdom was thought as 'son of the sun', 'Tedako(てだこ, 太陽子) in the time of Syou dynasty(尙王朝). But in the founder myths, the only one Tedako is Eiso. 3. In the myths, the 'historical' founders are described as the king for agriculture. They were said to make the farming instruments with iron and rule the spring water for farming. The iron and water for fariming was thought to represent the power of king and the kingship. 4. The writers of myths aimed to be separated from the mythical kingship of past Ryukyu(古琉球). So, they threw the idea of Tedako(=mythical kingship) into the prison of mythical ages by rewriting myth of King Eiso. Instead of it, they built up the new image of agriculture-king who rules and controlls the iron and water for good farming. The meaing of this change, from 'shiny sun' to 'cultural king', is that the abstract and general power of kingship was turned into a concrete and restricted power of kingship. On the bases of it, there was the confucian political ideas from China, T'ien Ming thought(天命論). Under the influence of not only China but also Japan, the writers of myths attempt to find a new way for their kingdom by reconstructing kingship with ruminating over the kingship of past. The myth of founders in the 17th and 18th Centuries shows the aspects of kingship of Ryukyu kingdom and tells us that those myths are the political discourses identifying kingship and Ryukyu kingdom.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.22
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• pp.205-224
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• 1994

It was aimed to study the costume of Koryo dynasty based upon the thirty pictures of Bud-dha to hang on the wall among the existing Buddist paintings. The costume to study were made about 64 years during the King Chung-yol(1286) to the King Chung-jong(1350) which style was mostly related in Won Dynasty. 가) Men's wear ; 1. Hair style and hair dress ; Man tied up a top knot and they put on the hat such as a Kuan Kun and Mo. The young boys binds his hair up one, two, and three knot-s, and tied up with a hair ribbon, A kinds of Kuan-mo were Mine-lu-kuan Yuan-yu-kuan, Nong-kuan, Hae-chi-kuan Pok-du Yun-wha-kuan Yip-mo- and Tu-ku(Helmeto) 2. clothes ; 1) Colour of Koryo King's Mien-ku Kuan costume was not agree with blue and reddish black colour which was used in Yo, Song, Kum and Won Dynasty, however black and greenhish blue colour was agreed with. 2) The king wore T'ung-t'ien-kuan(Yuan-yu-kuan) and the government officials wore Chin-hien-kuan Hae-chi-kuan and Nong-kuan as a court dress. In general the king and the Crown Prince wore a hats which was used in T'ung-t'ien system however sometimes they wore small hats which was cited in literature. 3) Gate guard and upper garment wore colourful costume figured gold colour pattern which was distin-gtive costume system of Koryo. 4) A monk wore big sleeve long skirt big sleeve long jacket long skirt and shoulder scar-f full shoulder scarf or right hand shoulder opened scarf. 5) The Soldiers wore helmet shoulder or scarf pee-back hung-kap, pok-kap, yang-dan-g-kap we-yu-kap kun-kap, and boots and they carried arms. 6) The young boys wore scarf, loin cloth, long skirt, belt neckless, wan-silk, boots and foots wear and wristless. 나) Women's wear ; 1. Hair style and hairs and tied up with a hair ribbon and wore precious ston decorated hair dress wheel shape hair dress pan shaped head dress handkerchif covered hair dress decorated precious stone hair pin silk chippon made of head dress muf-fler shaped hairdress. Boots mocasin hae lee, suk and sandle wored as a shoes depends on the classes. They wore neckless, earing wres-tless and wan-pu-sik. 2. Closthe 1) High rank lade's wore un-kyun attached jacket and jacket sleeves decorated pleats and pleats decorated long skirt apron back apron knot belt, scarf this type is the same with Dang Dynasty five dynasty of china Song, Kum Won, Myung Dynasty and our cos-tume of Poe-hae, and Shilla Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.59-72
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• 2000

Dragon robe was defined as a robe on which the principal design consisted of dragon. Dragon patterns have been used on princess robes during T'and Dynasty. In Sung, Dragon-figured robes seem to have an Imperial prerogative. Yuan took over the use of robes with dragons patterns as a definite institition. Ming tried to reject all Yuan innovations, the dragon robe was retained as an unofficial court costume. The Emperor's semiformal robes which at first had four dragon medallions, later had twelve along with the 12 Symbols(십이장문). As Ch'ing dragon robes were only intended fro semiformal use. The Later Ch'ing robes date from after 1719, when the Ch'ien-lung(건륭) introduced 12 Symbols on Ch'ing robes. The Ch'ien-lung laws were disobeyed, notably the ones that specified the number of claws on the dragons. THe Emperor's dragon robe, lung-p'ao, (용포) was described as bright yellow in color, having four slits and horsefoof cuffs. The basic pattern consisted of nin dragons, in addition it had 12 Symbols. The elaborate textile techniques reached their peak in Ch'ing Dynasty-with its Weaving and Dyeing Office in Peking, and this factories at Hangchow(항주), Soochow(소주), and Naking(남경) -helps to explain why the decay of the Ch'ing bureaucracy hastended the decline of dragon robes. In the Ch'ing Dynasty tow terms were used for dragon robe, depending on the number of claws on the dragons. Those with five-clawed dragons were called lung-p'ao, while those with four-clawed dragons were called mang-p'ao(망포). The Court felt compelled to take corrective meausres. It decreeed that Ninisters of State and other officials, who had been bestowed five-clawed lung dragons, must take out one claw. Finally, the sale of ranks and the attendant privilege of wearing dragon robes gradually increased during the 18 th century, reaching its height in the 19 th century, Finally, after the Taiping Rebellion, when the Imperial Treasury was depleted by the wholesale destruction of revenue-producing lands, the Chinese government came to depend on such sales as an important source of revenue and the practice became even more widespread. The ensuing mass production of dragon robes, and the necessity of conforming to the fairly rigid basic pattern established in 1759, resulted in marked deterioration of workmanship, and a comparative monotony of decoration. The patterns on the dragon robes slight changes continued to be made in the ways of representign them. The li shui (입수) portion at the base of the robe become inreasingly wider throughout the 19th century. The background became cluttered with symbols of good fortune, scattered among the clouds and waves. As a result of all this extraneous decoration, the dragons were so crowded that they had to shrink back into the small size that they had originally occupied in the medallons. Kuang-hsu(광저) was a long one, allowing time for the manufacture of numerous robes. Also, it would seem likely that Occidental museums and collections would have a considerable number of his robes, in view of the widespread looting of his palaces during the Allied occupation of Peking in 1900, and the frequent sales of Late Ch'ing imperial textiles by destitute Manchu courtiers in the '20's.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.81-95
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• 1988

In Akhakkyebom, one of the greatest Korean Sources, a great mistake was found in the lengths of the pitch pipes. Whanjong from which the other eleven pitches are calculated, is nine inches by decimal system. But the rest are from 9inches by nonary system. To find out how such a contradictory combination could put into so great a book, all the sources available wereexamined. In the process of investigating the numeral change of the lengths of the pitchpipes, it was found that fixation of this contradictory combination was due to the tradiction of Confucianism, which is specialized by its adherence of the old. SongHyon couldn't understand well enough Tsai Yuan-ting's Account of the science of the pitch pipes in Lu-luhsin-shui, Neither could Yi Hye-gu who translated Akhakkwebom into Korean. The parts they misunderstood were pointed out and explained as it should be in this thesis. Several other accounts of the science of the pitch pipes like Chu Tsai-yu's and Jing Farng's are also explained. The Pitch-pipes which were said to have been made by Pak Yon were found out to be of Chu Tsai-yu's. Those which Yi Sang dok wrote were one of Pak Yon's achievements turned out to be of Tsai Yuen-ting's, And othe interesting mistakes were pointed out in thesis thesis. Most of these mistakes were made, I think, because of the lack of the study on the historical background. That's why I tried to examine all the sources available on pitch-pipes. In the lengths of the pitch-pipes preserved in Shih-chi by Ssu-ma Ch'ien, several letters were found to have been misprinted. Some chil's should be “sip” and the letter “il” in Hyopchong should be “chil”. I couldn't deal with all the lengths of the pitch-pipes in this thesis. Especially the real length of the old measure of Whangjong made by PakYon is remained still unknown. I believe a lot more study should be poured on this field to know our traditional music as it was.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.23
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• pp.211-223
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• 1994

It was aimed to study the costume of Koryo dynasty based upon the one hundred and ten pictures of the writtened Budist scripture. The costume to study were made about 400 years during the King Mok-jong(1006) to the first year of the king Kong-yang based upon the Avatamaka Sutra and the Sutra of the Lotus. 가) Men's wear : 1. Hair style and hair dress : 1) Man bored a hair and put on the hat such as a Kuan, Kun, and Mo. The young boys binds his hair up one, two, and three knots, and tied up with a hair ribbon. A kinds of hats were Tung-t'ien-kuan(Yuan-yu-kuan) and Chin-hien-kuan and as a court dress. The man wore pok-여 as an official uniform and wore a pok-du , kun-mo as an everyday dress and wore a helmet as a solidier's uniform. 2. Clothes : 1) They wore Yuan-yu-kuan and Chin-hien -kuan as a court dress, and wore belt, boots, pleated decorated ling skirt also. They wore round shape collor big sleeve jacket, small sleeve long coat, belt , boots as an official dress. 2) the soldiers wore helmet, scarf, yangdang-kap , hung-kap, bak-kap, we-yo-kap, kun-kap and jok-kap and carries arms. 3) The young boys bind his hair up one, two and three angle shape an tied up a hair ribbons. 나) Women's wear : 1. Hair Style and hair dress : high rank ladies made their hair top knot (one, two, or more knots) and tied with hair ribbons , and decorated with precious stone, pan shape head dress , wheel shape head dress. 2. Clothes ; 1) high rank ladie's wore kun -kyun attached jacket , and jacket sleeves decorated pleats and pleats decorated on skirt, apron, back apron, knot belt, scarf.

• Koreanishche Zeitschrift fur Deutsche Sprachwissenschaft
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• v.8
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• pp.223-245
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• 2003

In dieser Arbeit wird der Versuch unternommen, die Struktur der Nazisprache zu analysieren. Nazisprache hat die Aufgabe, die Ideologie des Nationalsozialisrnus zu rechtfertigen und zu starken. Um diese Aufgabe zu realisieren, haben sich die Nationalsozialisten viel bemuht Im zweiten Abschnitt wird die Charakteristk dieser Sprache $erw\"{a}hnt$ Hier handelt es sich urn den Hintergrund der Nazisprache und Sprachlenkung im Nationalsozialismus. Im Abschnitt drei wird die syntaktische Struktur der Nazisprache beschrieben. Syntaktisch betrachtet, kann man in der Nazisprache $a\"{u}ffallende$ Struktur feststellen, und zwar eine hohe Frequenz von Adjektiv- Attributen, Adverbiale und Superlative. Bei den Adjektivattributen $la{\ss}t$ sich eine Reihe interessanter Entwicklungen beobachten. In vielen $F\"{a}llen$ tendieren die Attributionen zur idiomatischen Verfestigung. Im Bereich des Adverbs finden $auff\"{a}llige$ Verschiebung statt Adverbien $geh\"{o}ren$ zu den wichtigsten Mitteln, um die Haltung des Sprechers $gegen\"{u}ber$ einem $ge\"{a}u{\ss}erten$ Sachverhalt auf die situativen Bedingungen, insbesondere auf die Haltung und Erwartungen der Adressanten, abzustimmen. Und $auff\"{a}lig$ ist die $H\"{a}ufungwie$ beispie!sweise am von Superlativen auf engern Raum. Durch den inflationaren Gebrauch der superlativischen $Ausdr\"{u}cke$ verlieren im $Bewu{\ss}tsein$ des nationalsozialistischen Redners $allm\"{a}hlich$ ihre $F\"{a}higkeit$, den qualitativen Extremwert eines Sachverhalts zu bezeichnen. Deshalb grief vor allem Hitler schon fruh zu starkeren Mitteln, indem er die Gradative des genannten Typs in den Superlativ setzt. Im Abschnitt vier wird die lexikaIische Struktur der Nazisprache beschrieben. Wahrend des Dritten Reiches war die Entwickiung auf den Wortschatz in lexikalischen Bereichen erheblich, wie beispielsweise am Gebrauch der $Modew\"{o}rter$, die sich auf ideologische, dynamische und $milit\"{a}rische$ Terminologie bezogen sind, am Gebrauch $altert\"{u}mlicher$ $W\"{o}rter$ und am Gebrauch von $Fremdw\"{o}rter$. In der Zeit des Natioalsozialismus bedienten sich die NationaIsoziaIisten neben vieIen $Modew\"{o}Iter$ veralteter $W\"{o}Iter$ zur Kennzeichnung von $\"{A}mtern$ und Einheiten, um dem Regime eine historische $Legitimit\"{a}t$ zu verschaffen. Und sie gebrauchten auch $Fremdw\"{o}rter$ sehr haufig, um ihren Reden einen pseudowissenschaftlichen Anstrich zu geben.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.155-190
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• 2018

The paper has focused on the 20 Iching-hexagrams from the eleventh t'ai[ ] to the final one of the Upper Book li[離] to examine the principles of learning and education involved in Xugua zhuan[序卦傳], the Ordinal Sequence of the Hexagrams as one among Ten Wings in I Ching. Some implications involved in this part of the Book of Change provides us with numerous teachings and educational principles. I try to concisely note the three teachings of the major argument as shown in the paper. Firstly, we should take the process of learning as the circular system of thought[環 相型], not as the linear system assuming the final destination like the Final Cause in the Aristotelian teleology. In the same token, the process of learning should be regarded as 'initiation', which has been initially adopted to justify the concept of education by R. S. Peters. As a circular system, there are two kinds of initiation. The one sense is 'crossing the threshold of illiteracy' seen as 'small initiation', which apprehends the points of argument in the previous paper, namely, on hexagrams from ch'ien[乾] to t'ai[泰]. The other sense is 'getting on the inside of the worthwhile activities', seen as 'Grand Initiation', which apprehend the present points of argument. Secondly, as shown in the paper, the Book enables us to recognize the process of learning as 'Seeing What Is There'. This requires us the Principles of Mean and Perfection, which are to be taken differently from the Western ones. For this a learner should always hold the endless self-reflection and attitude to re-examine the original intention of one's own, whilst he is involved in the task of learning. Finally, we should take the Principles of Change seriously, such as extremity-reversibility[物極必反] and the sense of conformity, in order that we can establish the proper educational principles to tackle the social domains of learning as well as the personal ones.