• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.1
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• pp.35-70
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• 2003

President Lee, Syngman was ROK supreme commander at the Korean war. But, it is doubt that he executed his authority and responsibility by the ROK constitution and law. At the phase of the Korean War conduct, his role may be divided into 'military operation execution one' and 'political-diplomacy one'. He appointed unqualified person to the important position of the national defence, didn't make war execution system, and was not make to meet the war. And, after transferring the ROK force operation commanding authority to the Commander in Chief, UN Command, his role was extremely trivial at the military operation execution phase. Any way, he intended to recover the inferior national strength and military capacity with USA aid, and concentrated his effort toward diplomacy with USA. At last, he succeeded in making a mutual defence treaty and gained a big result to harden Korea national security after war. In sum, president Lee was shrewd politician and diplomat than military leader. And, it can be evaluated that he supplemented the lost part of military affairs side with diplomat one.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.1-52
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• 2017

This study aims to compare the state building process focusing on the founding presidents of South Korea, which was a colony of the defeated state of World War II and the Philippines, the colony of the victorious state. To this end, it compares the lives of the presidents, mainly the founding president of Korea Syngman Rhee and Manuel Quezon who led the autonomy of the Philippines and established the Commonwealth government, in the contexts of the state building process of the two countries. In each country, the leaders had to address the core tasks for founding the states in common. Firstly, after the independence or the acquisition of state autonomy, both countries adopted a constitution based on the presidential system with the strong authority of the presidents influenced by the United States. Secondly, the two countries after the independence were operated on the basis of anti-communism at the forefront of the Cold War. In addition, they also carried out land reform to bring the peasants into the system for supporting anti-communism. Lastly, the two countries also faced the same issues of liquidating the Japanese colonial legacies. Therefore the study examines the establishment of the constitution, settlement of anti-communism line, the land reform issues, and liquidation of Japanese colonialism or occupation in each country. The Philippines attained 'constitutional independence' in 1935 and experienced political development faster than any other post-colonial country in Asia. However, except for the establishment of the constitution, the early leaders were not able to address the principal issues for state building. As land reform failed, landowners became economically and politically dominant. The Philippines, where the modern citizen class has not arisen suffered from the political and economic recession. In Korea, despite the Korean War and division of the country, the founding president Syngman Rhee attempted to solve the tasks. As a result, he was able to lay the track of liberal democracy against communism and also settled Japanese colonial legacy as much as it was allowed. In particular, through land reform, he has laid the basis for the nation-state and economic development and has set up the girders of Korean economy by adopting the market economy system. Although there are merits and demerits, compared with the leaders of other countries especially with the Philippines, it is no doubt that Syngman Rhee has played an essential role in establishing the state as a founding president.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.66-86
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• 2022

This paper focuses on the document "Property Ledger of Dr. Rhee," which was a supplement to the Disposal of the Late Dr. Rhee's Property written by the secretarial office of the Cheongwadae (the Korean presidential residence) in 1970. The document contains a list of 311 items, including furnishings and artworks, once owned by President Syngman Rhee. The items had been in the collection of the Cheongwadae, but in February 1970 they were transferred to the family of the late President Rhee. The background for creating this list is as follows. After the April 19 Student Revolution in 1960, a survey was conducted of Rhee's movable assets, including artworks in his private residence Ihwajang. Their transfer to the National Museum was discussed at one point, but it was decided to use them at the Cheongwadae instead. In 1963, however, the transfer of these assets to the National Museum was ordered, and some duplications of the private possessions were sent to Ihwajang House. In 1970, furnishings and artworks stored at the Cheongwadae were also returned to Ihwajang House, and the "Property Ledger of Dr. Rhee" document was produced. This ledger lists works by artists from the Joseon period through the 1960s. It is difficult to identify each of these artworks since no photos are attached and the details provided are minimal. Nevertheless, this ledger is valuable in that the scale of artworks in the collection of the Gyeongmudae (the former name for the Cheongwadae) and Ihwajang House can be partially identified and in that it helps us understand how the issues surrounding the reversion of ownership of these artworks were resolved.

• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.291-322
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• 2018

This research aims to cast light upon security characteristics of the Peace Line, which have been underestimated. To understand maritime order and maritime security policy of the Republic of Korea between 1950 and 1970, it is necessary to analyze the Peace Line as line of defence and to investigate its character This research begins with analyzation of historical facts and investigation on security characteristics of the Peace Line. It goes further to examination of legal justification of the Peace Line, which was one of international legal issues of the period, principally regarding its security characteristics. As results of the study, it could be said that the security characteristics of the Peace Line was the line of defensive waters, which set its goal mainly to prevent infiltration of communist spies. The Peace Line had practical effect as it functioned as a base line of the ROK Navy to take anti-spy operation. At the early phase of the Korea-Japan Negotiation, the Korea delegation interpreted significance of the Peace Line passively. After abrogation of Clark Line, the delegation, however, became positive to maintain the Peace Line and its security characteristics. Security characteristics of the Peace Line was recognized again, as it became the base line of special maritime zone which was made in 1972. Through analysis on international law, it is concluded that the Peace Line was fair as a part of the right of self-defense against indirect aggression. North Korea attempted indirect aggression mainly from sea way, and these might undermine peace and cause urgent and unjust damage on the ROK. Thus the ROK's action of anti-spy operation through the Peace Line can be justifiable as considering the right of self-defence. Also the Peace Line accorded with principles of necessity, immediacy and proportionality. As it was argued on the above, the Peace Line as line of defence was one of the most significant factor in the ROK's maritime security history from the Hot war against communist forces to Cold war period after Korean War and must not be underestimated.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.1-22
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• 2022

This study was conducted based on the service philosophy as a study to capitalize on the wisdom of Korea and Koreans. This is a study that capitalizes on the wisdom of the founding president who led civilization changes in Korea. Wisdom as a visionary leader who played a leading role in Korea's development from a continental civilization to a maritime civilization was derived. We analyzed the wisdom of the founding president, who established the Republic of Korea with a new identity as a liberal democracy and protected it, and laid the foundation for Korea to leap into an advanced country through legal system reform and human resource development. First, we analyzed the essence of politics and presented the essential tragic nature that visionary leaders must bear as politicians. We also analyzes his courage and belief to accept a tragic fate, the insights on the spirit of independence, anti-communism, liberal democracy and the future. We analyze the wisdom as a visionary leader that is consistently revealed through countless choices and decisions to give up. It suggests that such wisdom is essential for the founding and development of a nation, and the wisdom need to be assetized. It needs a solid philosophical foundation to become a useful wisdom asset in the long run. In this study, Syngman Rhee's wisdom was assetized on the basis of the service philosophy. This is because it is wisdom based on the fiercely symmetrical balance principle. Human resource development was a choice that entailed great sacrifice, the market economy was a choice that entailed great sacrifice, and the protection of liberal democracy was also a choice that entailed great sacrifice, so it can be said that it is wisdom that fits the essence of the service philosophy. It is wisdom found only in outstanding visionary leaders. We present the wisdom of building a free democratic country, the wisdom of building a free market economy, and the wisdom of building a talent-oriented nation as assets in terms of national management philosophy, national management owner, time frame, and strategic asset. It also suggests that visionary leaders are continuously required for the long-term sustainable development of mankind and Korean society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.219-236
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• 2011

Since the end of the $19^{th}$ century, Korean English-language newspapers have been published in Korea to inform readers about Korea and Korean people's point of view concerning world problems. Among them was the Korean Republic (KR), the former name of the Korea Herald, founded on August $15^{th}$, 1953 (Korean Liberation Day from Japanese colonial rule). This newspaper was started especially to report on international affairs, just after the Armistice agreement was signed on July $27^{th}$, 1953, at the initiative of the first president of the Republic of Korea, Syngman Rhee. He vehemently expressed his and the Korean people's opinion about Korean problems in world politics where big powers were dominating and deciding small countries' destinies. This paper is written to show that Korean English-language newspapers were used as tool of public diplomacy not only for the readers of target countries but also for Korean readers, well before the media diplomacy theory became popular several decades later. In the deplorable world situation where Korea was colonized and divided into halves by the wills of the super powers, the Korean media participated actively via dialogue in English to solve the Korean problem. This paper studies the editorials of the KR for one year, the year just after its foundation. Vis-a-vis the United States, the KR defended its political system of free democracy by insisting on the Korean people's hopes, the reunification of the peninsula and acquiring American assistance in economic and military areas. Regarding Japan, Korea had doubt about its expansionist policy by way of rearmament. First, the Korean government tried to defend its territorial waters, including Dokdo Island. As for multi-lateral relationships, Korea was concerned about the spread of communism to its territory in the world where socialism was dominating.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.5-58
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• 2019

The purpose of this article is to bring about 10.26 accident by providing a fuse for the overthrow of the Park Chung-hee administration in the 10.18 Buma uprising. So, first of all, this article has a main purpose in analyzing the comparison between Masan's 3.15 uprising and 10.18 Buma uprising. The purpose of the study is to compare the 3.15 democratic movement in Masan with the 10.18 Buma uprising, given that the incident laid the foundation for the dictator to be overthrown in the event of an anti-dictatorial movement in Masan. The research method of this article is intended to be used as a research method in the 3.15 and 10.18 protests, given that if a person in power conducts election fraud or suppresses anti-government movements in order to maintain the system, it could lead to the destruction of those in power. In the end, the Masan 3.15 uprising and 10.18 uprising failed to reach a direct attempt to overthrow the regime due to unfinished democratic movements, but with the revolution of 4.19 and the massive political transformation of 10.26 Accident, he achieved the leading role theory that allowed the Rhee Syngman and Park Chung-hee administrations. In eradicating authoritarian regimes, however, the historic significance of the democratization movement was that the authoritarian regime eventually brought about the collapse of the regime by making a hard-line stance on election schemes or popular protests over the trap of power boomerang, which causes the regime to collapse.