• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.16-25
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• 2018

Initially from the Taoist scriptures, 'Dongcheon' is a term that can be regarded as a symbolic place in the real world for the enlightened ones who received relief and peace by restoring the human nature taught in the Confucian school. The long for an ideal world apart from the reality embodied as the labeling some places 'Dongcheon,' and the term was used to refer to a scenery where the ideal fairyland is reproduced. Besides, 'Dongcheon' was a term often used by Confucian scholars for various purposes including the attachment to the nearby landscapes, expressing homogeneity and superiority through placeness and the beautification of settlement spaces. This paper is the result of a field study on 'Dongcheon' in the Gyeongsang-Do. The research was conducted from March to August 2018, and we carried out firsthand location surveys on Dongcheons, of which some were lost, others were fairly preserved, and still others could not be located as only their existences were passed down orally. According to the field survey, there were total 111 inscriptions or engravings on the plates in Gyeongsang-Do that include the term 'Dongcheon.' There were 79 'Dongcheon' inscriptions confirmed in the Gyeongsangbuk-Do region: twenty in Yeongju-City, sixteen in Bonghwa-Gun, eleven in Andong-City and seven in Yeongyang-Gun and Ulgin-Gun. Among them, two were in the form of a wooden sign, and six were erected as rock signposts. Fourteen stops reported in the literature were lost or unidentified. Also, among the sixteen signs in Bonghwa-Gun, nine were cursive engravings. Meanwhile, there were 26 Dongcheon inscriptions in the Gyeongsangnam-Do region. Hamyang-Gun and Sancheong-Gun anf Hadong-Gun each housed three inscriptions, and seven places were in the form of rock signposts. 'Hwagaedongcheon' and 'Geumsandongcheon' could not be identified in inscriptions although they appear in Jibong Yuseol and Taengniji with stories of Choi Chiwon. The significance of this study is as a reference for future researches in traditional scenery, epigraphs, or as primary data that helps cultural exploration in the region.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.70-83
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• 2013

To widen prospect of villa as Korea traditional garden, the result of the research about constructional characteristics of Seogo-jeongsa and Sameun-jeong of Yeoju Lee family at Toero-ri, Miryang-si, Gyeongsangnam-do, Korea, is abstracted as below. Seogo-jeongsa(西皐精舍) and Sameun-jeong(三隱亭) was intended to practise retirement with sense of unity with the head residence, since Seogo-jeongsa was 340m far and sameun-jeong was 630m far away from head residence, which set within 1km. Although Seogo-jeongsa's basic prop, Sameun-jeong's timber, which are both from designer's pen name and head residence name, "Hangjae(恒齋)" and "Yongjae(庸齋)," and Hanseoam have each different exposure, it is homogeneous as space configurational side in order to optimize the gaze leading effect and appreciated domestic trees from the pond, which is center of the garden and the significant facility. Method of direction of Seogo-jeongsa's Hwalsudang(活水塘) and Sameunjeong's pond of Sameun-ji(三隱 池) gets attention by distinction. Especially, directing of 3 step water flow from behind to front and traditional pond method, called Bangji-Bangdo(方池方島), were very unique that any other place can be found. Also, the middle islet on the pond at both villa, which isn't more supper, but more for the symbolic molding that seek a stone pagoda(石假山), is more interesting directing method as considering the relationship of the 3 stone pagoda imageries on the surface of Ghwayukchon(果肉泉) At the same time, Seogo-jeongsa and Sameun-jeong shows very different characteristics from traditional villa that adopted both domestic trees and foreign trees. Particularly, it is extremely exceptional case to plant vigorous needleleaf tree, such as Chamaecyparis pisifera, C. obtusa, Pinus bungeana, P. palustris, Sciadopitys verticillata, Metasequoia glyptostroboides and Cedrus deodara, on Sameun-jeong. Moreover, adopting foreign wild needleleaf trees for landscaping trees, such as a Torreya nucifera, Taxus cuspidata, P. parviflora, and foreign landsacping trees, such as P. bungeana, Cryptomeria japonica and C. obtusa tells planting trend of the late Joseon dysnasty era. Also, as we can know from 2 Jipgyeong(集景), which is 'Seogo-jabyoung 17 young(西皐雜詠十七詠)', and 'Sameun-jeong 12 Gyoung(三隱亭十二景)' which are set on both villa, the intend to expand the garden area is strongly shown by the natural forest directing. As a result, Seogo-jeongsa and Sameun-jeong, located at Toero-li Miryang, are sharing the traditional Joseon dynasty era's custom, such as space and visual composition; however, it is different and attractive garden remains as a point of view of water directing, stone pagodas, and adopting foreign landscaping trees.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.10-19
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• 2022

In this study, historical and cultural landscapes were reviewed focusing on Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju, Gyeongsangnam-do, and the scenic value was examined through this. First, Mangjinsan Mountain was noted in history, as Ansan(案山, a mountain on the opposite side of a housing/grave site) in Jinju, where Bongsu(烽燧, the beacon fire station) is located. Information on Mangjinsan Mountain was gradually doubled due to its status, and the beacon fire station of Mangjinsan Mountain was in charge of defending the Jinju area. Mangjinsan Mountain was described as a symbolic landscape of Jinju. Regarding the etymology of Mangjinsan Mountain, Sung Yeo-Sin(成汝信) analyzed the geography of Jinju and suggested that it was a place name originating from the phoenix. However, looking at various records, it is confirmed that the name of Mangjinsan Mountain is maintained uniformly, but the inscription is not unified. Second, Mangjinsan Mountain became one of the major stage for the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and in 1597. It is confirmed to be a place which has joys and sorrows, for that it provided an opportunity to win the Siege of Jinju in 1592, but many casualties occurred in 1597. On the other hand, in the area of Mangjinsan Mountain Byeolseo(別墅), temples, and administrative facilities were located to establish cultural history of the time, and in the 19th century, Manggyeongdae Pavilion was built due to the scenic value of viewing Jinju Castle. These are examples of testimony how Mangjinsan Mountain has an important meaning in Jinju's history and culture. Third, in the late Joseon Dynasty, a poem reciting Mangjinsan Mountain appears, which shows that the Mountain has established itself as a scenic site in Jinju. The description of Mangjinsan Mountain is confirmed in the literature that lists the scenic sites of Jinju. On the other hand, writers who lived in Jinju paid attention to the beacon fire station, singing about the peaceful world without war and looking back the history. In the 19th century, Jeonbyeolyeon(a farewell party) was held, which seems to be the result of the beauty of viewing Jinju and overviewing the area. Through the facts, the symbolism and scenic value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju were confirmed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.11-22
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• 2017

A plaza represents the identity of a city, and that reveals a plaza's importance. Gwanghwamun Plaza and Seoul Plaza are two representative plazas where the citizens can freely express their opinions. Many major plazas in the center of Seoul were built under the Japanese occupation. Among these, the plaza of Joseon Bank has different characteristics than Gwanghwamun Plaza and Seoul Plaza. Even though this plaza was built in the center of the commercial, administrational, and cultural district during the Japanese colonial period, the research on this plaza has been limited. This study was conducted to verify the features of this plaza by analyzing its construction and transformation during the Japanese colonial period. The study's results outline how the plaza was constructed by the Japanese administration. The intention of the government is shown by the fact that it purchased land parcels and held a design competition. In the 1910s, the government purchased seven parcels of land during the expansion of roads as the place for the plaza. During the late 1930s, the government accepted a traffic circle to regulate the traffic and eliminate the conflict between crossing movements. In 1939, a fountain was built in the plaza's center, and its design was selected through a design competition. It was planned as a square, but gradually turned into a rotary. Furthermore, the plaza was a landmark and symbol of the power and modernity of Japan. As the main modal point of public transportation, the plaza became surrounded with largescale Western-style buildings, commercial advertising, and neon signs. The plaza became a place where people could experience the modern city. These spectacular displays showed that Japanese imperialism was perceived as a strange and peculiar landscape to the majority of Korean citizens. This study investigates the history and characteristics of the plaza, focusing on its beginning as well as the transformation of its form. As to the limitations of the study, it does not consider political and economic contexts within the transformation of Seoul and in relation to this plaza. Instead, that research remains for a future study.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.84-94
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• 2015

This study is to examine how the admiration for Chutzu(朱子)'s achievement while he was preaching his policies after renouncing the world in Wuyi-Gugok(武夷九曲), Mt. Wuyi and Joseon-style transformation culture were unfolded and developed through Gugok management cases such as position, name, poetic diction, Jungsa(精舍) architecture and engraving of Muyi-Gugok set in Mt. Gugok, Snacheong. The results were as follows: Myungam(明庵) Jeong Sik(鄭拭, 1683~1746)'s Muyi-Gugok, which consists of Suhongkyo(垂虹橋, gok 1) - Oknyeobong(玉女峰) - Nhongwhaldam(弄月潭) - Nacwhadam(落花潭) - Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) - Gwangpyungryea(光風瀨) - Jaewhaldae(霽月臺) - Gorooam(鼓樓巖) - Wharyongpok(臥龍瀑, gok 9) is the representative case where Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok was exactly copied and fulfilled to the Joseon Dynasty. In a large frame, Gugok Wonlim culture, Myungam's Muyi-Gugok management has a will of succession of Dotong(道統) through admiration for Chutzu in a rigid way. Another name of Mt. Gugok is Mt. Muyi and Gugok's name is Muyi-Gugok and the residence existed between gok 4 and gok 5. In addition, the name of Jeongsa for Gugok management is also 'Muyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍)' and Gugok name and contents of Poetry are also similar and all of these are clear evidence that Myungam tries to copy Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok to Mt. Gugok. Also, Gugok set before Myungam were located in Mt. Gugok and among them, verified four Gugok names are corresponded to those of Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok and it tells that conforming behavior as one of admiration ways for Chutzu already arrived at Mt. Gugok before Myungam and this was an oppotunty to widen Mt. Gugok Muyi-Gugok's tradition and horizon. Also, considering that Myungam's gok 6, Gwangpyungryea and gok 7, Jewoldae are names from 'Gwangpungjewol(光風霽月)' Based on Chutzu's poem and they are closely related to Joseon's classical scholar spirit, they are associated with Joseon-style transformation of Chutzu's Muyi-Gugok. Meanwhile, gok 5 'Daeeunbyeong' was transformed to 'Nangaam(爛柯巖)' in gok 5 - "Deoksan-Gugok(德山九曲) of Jooko(竹塢) Ha Beom-Woon(河範運, 1792~1858) and those characters's engravings are handed down. In "Pome of Deoksan Gugok" transformed from Myungam's Muyi-Gugok, respect and admiration for Chutzu is weaken while Ha Beom-Woon admires Nammyeong(南冥) Cho shik(曺植, 1501~1572), a symbolic character of himself's school and from this, a movement to promote partisan unity is identified. After Myungam died, Muyi-Gugok in Mt. Gugok was transformed from a space to succeed Chutzu's Dotonga to one to commemorate the memory of ancient sages, but, it is a typicality case that widen the spectrum of Joseon's Gugok-Wonlim culture through Muyi-Gugok's imitation and transformation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.149-159
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• 2018

The study is aimed at establishing basic data to identify the original forms of the garden in Unbo's House. Through interviews and related data comparison analysis the ideas and major events of the person involved in establishing a garden in Unbo's House. Also, derived the direct and indirect effects of these people on gardening. The results are as follows: First, Those directly related to garden in Unbo's House are representative figures of cultural heritage and traditional art in Korea. Based on their expertise and abundant experience in traditional spaces, they contributed greatly to the creation of Unbo's House as a traditional space. Unbo Kim, Gi-Chang who directly influenced Unbo's House gardening, which affected the site selection, location, and the installation of major garden plant plants and traditional landscaping facilities. Hyegok Choi, Soon-Woo recommended Wabon Kim, Dong-Hyun at the request of Kim Ki-Chang and was involved in the overall plan. Housing design, space design and design of major facilities such as pond were confirmed Wabon Kim Dong-Hyun. Second, Kim, Gi-Chang's wife Jeong, Rae-Hyun, who motived to construct a garden. Nosan Lee, Eun-Sang and Korean artist Lee, Seok-Ho were created a signboard and board of the Pillar to encourage simple life in paintings. The themes of the article motived image as creative. In addition, Kim, Hyeong-Sik and Kim, Wan who son of Unbo, has been with Unbo for a long time, watching and influencing garden changes in Unbo's House. Third, The main factors that influenced the garden by character are as follows. Unbo Kim, Ki-Chang had a thorough record-setting spirit and his longing for his mother and wife affected the selection of the site and setting the direction of the garden. His art world with the symbolic emphasis of traditional landscapes, including traditional facilities, and especially plant materials. Choi, Sun-Woo reflected his traditional consciousness and experience in the construction of Unbo's House. Kim, Dong-Hyun applied the basic framework of a traditional building based on Yeonkyongdang hall in Changdeokgung palace. He also reflected on the traditional landscaping design the facilities of ponds acquired through excavation of Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond, Gyeongju. Nosan Lee, Eun-Sang and Lee, Seok-Ho completed their unique place in Unbo's House. Kim, Hyung-Sik was involved in the process of changing, while Kim Wan ran the Unbo's House which he inherited from Kim, Ki-Chang.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.48-57
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• 2018

In this study, we conducted an analysis on the actual field materials and the ancient text of January 2017. First, Yuyin ShanFang is one of the famous garden in the Lingnan Region, and its total area is $1598m^2$. Wobin called the name 'Yuyin(餘蔭)' meaning the virtues of his ancestors. Second, if we analyze the poem written by Wobin, we can classify it as a phrase expressing the world beyond the future, a poem expressing the ideas of family and romantic ideas. Third, the space spread to the south around the shrine building in the middle of the site was largely a residential space, according to the analysis of the site's layout and spatial composition. Fourth, the spatial component of the hydronic acid is analyzed. The pavilion area is the Hanchwi-Pavilion, which is designated in the Wongrim, and Gyesang-Pavilion, which is a unique range that describes the peak of the garden. Fifth, Yuyin ShanFang has five ponds that are very diverse in shape. It is characteristic of us to stand on a technical boundary. Sixth, Seokgasan was referred to as Gyeongbansan, which was named after The builder Wobin and his descendants who passed it. Seventh, Hwachang is characterized by a wooden bull window and a compound glass. Eighth, the alumni style is not as diverse as the alumni style of the Suzhou traditional garden, but it features various forms and colorful pictures on the front of the alumni. Ninth, the one-piece sculptures of the interior of a building are expressed themes such as Gilsang, Sukjeong, Daoism, Palseom, and others. Finally, Trees planted in Yuyin ShanFang are mostly tropical plants, and some of them have symbolic meaning. Because the weather here is good for growing fruit, so planted a lot of fruit trees.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.97-110
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• 2012

This study aimed at considering the original shape of Iljiam Tea Garden at Mt. Daedun. In order to accomplish our goal, we tried to strengthen the authenticity of construction of Iljiam by comparing its space structure depicted in the poetry of Choeui(艸衣) the monk with its current restored state. According to the clues and situation in the poetry along with symbolic words like 'Choeui' and 'Ilji(一枝)', Iljiam seemed to be a tea garden with elegant and celestial beauties, and with a nice view where Choeui the famous monk searched for the highest state of enlightenment by enjoying and living in nature. When we compared the plural aspects of Iljiam like Dacheon(茶泉), Dajo, Mulhwak, Darim(茶林), Chaewon(菜園), and Yeonji(蓮池) with those of Dasan Tea Garden[茶山草堂], we could see that the basic components of tea-culture space of both gardens are the same, showing the organizational principle of the top and bottom area to stress reading and studying. When it is restored, the authenticity of Iljiam should be pursued by linking spatial, historical, and landscaping characteristics as the space of which Choeui the monk carried out Zen meditation and mastered tea. However, the recent grand scale Buddhist business like the expansion of access road and construction of Buddhist sanctuary and Seolimdang became the biggest threat to the authenticity. Especially, it was emphasized many times in various poetry that the view from Iljiam and its surroundings is extraordinary, so it is critical to get rid of obstacles to the view from Iljiam and its surroundings in order to restore Iljiam as its genuine form. The current Iljiam should be re-made because it is like a leaf-roofed garden, not like a hermitage. However, the opinion that Jawoohongryeon-sa(紫芋紅蓮社) is somewhat a Taoistic and Taoist hermit space with a special shape adopted the pattern of building of the Joseon period rather than a Buddhist building can be accepted as long as other convincing historical evidences are found out, considering the ideology of uniting Confucianism and Buddhism and the spirit of Taoist hermit found out from poetry of Choeui and his friends. In conclusion, the restoration of Iljiam in 1979 was carried out to restore the place of Iljiam rather than to restore the originality of Iljiam by combining and referring domestic cases of tea gardens. However, there is not much material for restoration even though the main frame of Iljiam was distorted. Nevertheless, the top and bottom ponds should be constructed as a rectangle shape. In addition, it can be improved much in terms of plants and trees. It is necessary to restore bamboo forest, which was razed in order to make a tea plantation around Seolimdang, to set vines of arbors above the upper limbs, to plant pine trees and willow trees inside of the garden, and to put Dajeolgu under the corner of the eaves. Especially, the bamboo forest emphasized in poetry and took care of by Choeui himself should be restored inside of the garden.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.1-13
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• 2019

This study is to derive a design alternative to the FECC (Forest Experience Center for Children) that meets the preschooler's preferences. For this purpose, preschooler participation is included in each phase of the FECC, the site perception phase, the deriving design elements phase, and the deriving design alternative phase. In this study, the process of the deriving design alternative phase was carried out with kindergarteners and preschoolers (6, 7 years olds; all 41 students) at Songsan-mulbit FECC in Gwangsan-gu, Gwangju. In order to derive the design alternatives, three detailed design processes (preschooler participation 2 times, researcher analysis 1 time), tool construction, and a preschooler participation workshop were conducted. The results of this study are as follows. First, as a result of the preschooler's design process, 41 designs were drawn, and an average of 7.66 spaces were drawn by each preschooler. The 6-year-old males designed the least (average 6.80 spaces) and the 7-year-old females designed the most (9.0 spaces). The physical and adventure play spaces were most common (38.9% to 48.7%) regardless of gender or age. To analyze the feasibility of the preschooler's design using a base map, the appearance of the physical environmental characteristics (7 items) in the site were analyzed in each of the 41 designs. As a result, the environmental characteristics were apparent a total 72 times overall. Similar environmental characteristics appearing more than once were apparent in 87.8% (26 designs) of designs. Second, three design alternatives were derived: APS- types (intensive planning of active play facility spaces) was presented in 15 designs, NS-types (planning focused on nature spaces) was presented in 14 designs, and SPS-types (planning focused on static play facility spaces) were presented 12 designs. Third, NS-type, which were finally selected through a preference assessment (5-point scale) and a comparative assessment of the three alternatives, has mainly natural spaces (forest space, forest path, shelter, natural exploration space, and ecological pond) and active play facility spaces, water play space and soil (sand) play spaces was appropriately designed. Therefore, the NS-type was analyzed as the design alternative that can fully accomplish all types of cognitive development through developed through play (functional play, constructive play, dramatic(symbolic) play).

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).