• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.371-393
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• 2013

The objective of this article is to compare the characteristics and the origin of Welfare State in Korea and France. This study also finds out the causes of underdevelopment of Welfare State in Korea. In the third Republic of France, the first Industrial Accident Compensation Law was legislated in 1898. The discussion of the project of Law commenced in 1880. The Parliamentary Debate on the legislation of the Law had continued for 18 years. The leaders of the debate was the group of progressive Republicans(Radicals) in the French Parliament. In Korea, it was also in the period of the third Repulic, the President and several members of the Supreme Committee of National Reconstruction (Guk-Ga-Jai-Gun-Choi-Go-Ho-Eui), the authoritative military government who enacted and developed the Social Insurance Law of Industrial Accident Compensation, the first Law of Welfare State in Korea. However, Korea and France show more differences than similarities in the terms of the origin of the Welfare State. The motivations and goals of social policies of the two countries were quite different at the beginning stage. In France, the progressive Republicans of Parliament made welfare state policies in order to maintain the politico-social hegemony and social peace by provision of economic supports to workers. In Korea, the group of military officers had begun the welfare legislation in order to win the general election and obtain political power in 1963. Comparison on the origins of the welfare states in the two countries shows similarities as well as differences in terms of the role of actors. In France, the state and the owners of big enterprises had agreed and played positive roles in the legislation of the welfare state policies. However, the owners of small companies, merchants and farmers had played negative roles. Like the French case, Korean government and owners of big enterprises had played positive roles. The state as a major actor of the legislation of the social insurance programs in the two countries are slightly different. In Korea, the owners of small companies had played negative roles in making of medical insurance programs in 1976. Comparison of the current state of two welfare states shows substantial differences in terms of the development of the welfare state. What is the reason for such differences? Why does Korean Welfare State underdevelop? Historically, the developmentalism as an major ideology of the third Republic of Korea has continually influenced the underdevelopment of the Welfare State. It implies that Koreans have to invent a new ideology of Welfare State which can replace the developmentalism and support the development of Welfare State in the future. Without such a new ideology, it is very difficult to develop an european style welfare state in Korea.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.43-49
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• 2022

This study aims to study Esping-Anderson's theory of welfare state system, develop a model of welfare state suitable for Korea's situation, and apply it to reality. In this research method, basic research and analysis of ideology is used, focusing on Esping-Anderson's welfare state system theory, and applying it appropriately to the Korean situation. Studies on the model of the welfare state have been studied after the classification of complementary and institutional models asserted by Willensky and Lebo in 1965. In addition, Esping-Andersen asserts three things as a model of the welfare state according to ideology. First, the role of the market is central to the liberal welfare system that best fits the image of classical capitalism, and individualistic solidarity through the market. The role of the state or family, which can be a hindrance, is actually marginalized. In addition, in order to maximize individualistic solidarity through the market, de-commodification in the national domain tends to be minimized. Second, the conservative welfare system has a strong familistic element, so the source of social solidarity is the family, and the state plays a role of supporting and supplementing the characteristics of this family. In the conservative system, de-commodification appears to be high among household heads, or the welfare system takes on a corporatist and nationalistic form, it can be said that these characteristics are reflected. Third, in the social democratic welfare system, the source of social solidarity is the state. Therefore, the role of the state is large, the state has a high possibility of decommodification, and it has the characteristics of substitutes for the family and the market through universalist intervention. This study applies Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models to study a model suitable for the Korean situation. In conclusion, Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models can be classified into a market-oriented model based on a liberal welfare system, a status-oriented model based on a conservative corporatist welfare system, and a solidarity-oriented model based on a social-democratic welfare system, presented a compromise between liberalism and conservatism as a Korean model.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.187-214
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• 2010

This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.145-180
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• 2006

In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.34-40
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• 2006

Fascism is a term that began to be used from the late 1930s, means an idea and a system that the strong power of the state intervenes or control people's life based on the argument that the existential value of individuals is found only in the total. Fascist looks, which resulted from World War I and II, had brought a new pattern in women's fashion inspired by men's military uniforms. Thus, the purpose of this study was to identify fascist fashion trends in the first half of the twentieth century and to infer various aesthetic values of fascism expressed in fascist fashion looks. The results of this study indicated that expressions of fascism reflected the current ideology of rebellion and appealed to the original national sentiment of the masses. Fascism occurred in response to the contradiction of capitalism and its general crisis had emerged as an ideology with the highest popularity symbolizing power and government during the first half of the twentieth century. It was expressed in military looks as self-centered nationalism and yearning for minorities. Second, fascist fashion looks were not only for political and sexual temptation with the image of power but also for the display of women's status and roles through the bold expression of sexual attractiveness. Finally, fascist fashion looks expressed medieval images praising the feudal age in imagination that contained heroism and at the same time achieved integration under strict social hierarchical order.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.57-91
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• 2009

The purpose of this paper is to examine historical development, ideology and praxis of Islamic radicalism in Indonesia. In the second part of this paper, radical trends under Sukarno and Suharto governments will be dealt with, focusing on three streams of Darul Islam, Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia and Islamic secret sects. The third part investigates the surge of radical Islamic movements after the fall of Suharto regime. For this, three organizations are again selected for detailed analysis. This paper argues that, judging from active engagements of radical organizations in national and international affairs and favorable attitude of general Muslims toward them, radicalism has recently established itself as one of the major constituents of Indonesian Islam. To put it differently, the current situation signifies that under the Suharto regime, a diversification of so-called the santri has been underway. Contrary to the traditional santri group which emphasizes the fulfillment of faith in the private sphere, another group has been crystallized, which gives priority to Islamic roles in public sphere and attempts to realize these. It is difficult to pinpoint the reasons why this group has emerged. Its effect, however, can relatively easily be grasped. With the surge of this new radical stream, the rhetoric of an establishment of Islamic state and a realization of Islamic law has no longer been tabooed and has been instated as the key element in public discourse of Islam.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2023

Being one of the first and hardest hit countries by the coronavirus, Iran still continues to preserve its place among nations with the highest rates of infection and COVID-19 related deaths. While on the surface, such worrying status evinces the failure of the authorities in handling the crisis, at deeper levels, it points to the fundamentalist nature of the government and political system of the country. In this view, the current devastating condition in Iran is a clear indication of the all-out influence of the Islamic regime's ideologies on officials' decision-making and their political agendas throughout the pandemic. Accordingly, the staterun mainstream media, as the most preeminent institution of power, have been incessantly engaged in disseminating a series of ideology-laden information around the issues concerning the coronavirus, and in line with the developing political discourses during pandemic. Far from being based on factual accounts or scientific facts, these disseminated messages inevitably grew into a source of disinformation, ultimately resulting in overall public confusion and skepticism. Through examining the data gathered from some of the most prominent online news agencies run by the government, this study identifies five major discursive trends through which the mainstream media propagated ambiguous and manipulative information about COVID-19. These findings are then explained in the light of media system dependency theory, leading to the argument that within autocratic nation-states, public reliance on media during a national/global crisis brings about new opportunities for state exploitation, and further distressing consequences for the people.

• 중국학논총
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• no.66
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• pp.227-264
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• 2020

In Sanyue, the identity of the state and the individual is discussed in terms of the class, ideology, system, moral ethics, tactical strategy, national view, Talent image, etc. and It pursues a historical approach in the world history and an attempt to self-realize in the history of mankind. This literature expresses the strength of military theory and discusses the main core points of the country as a military political and tactical strategy as follows: "Shangyue, zhongyue, and Xiayue. In the Shangyue in Sanyue, it describes how to distinguish the heroes who have been appointed through the ceremony, and it shows the accomplishment of the reason. In zhongyue, we discuss how to distinguish the contingency plan the meaning of change. In Xiayue, we discuss practical thinking of moral ethics and explain the possibility of All the officials and sages angry by considering the safety of the country."

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.391-411
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• 2011

This paper examines Du Boisian critique of American exceptionalism through a close textual analysis of his writings from early essays to later works. As an attempt to respond to the persistent grip American exceptionalism has on both the academia and the intellectual world at large, this paper tries to fill in the gaps within the discourse of American exceptionalism by exploring the works of one of the most towering American intellectual figures, and suggests that the discourse of American exceptionalism has remained within the purview of white scholars. Although at times inconsistent and contradictory, Du Bois's trenchant critique of American civilization and Western imperialism deconstructs the original ideals of America, creating more than a fissure in the ideology/hegemony/state fantasy of American exceptionalism. I argue that Du Boisian critique of American exceptionalism shows its violent marginalization and racialization based on white supremacy. Du Boisian critique should be a cautionary tale for those scholars who talk of "reform" or "replenishment" or even who occlude the possibility that American exceptionalism has not always functioned as a "state fantasy" by assuming its absolute blinding powers.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.40
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• pp.191-225
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• 2000

The purpose of this study is to formulate the way of the feminist strategy in Germany which is to change in the process of the globalization in the economic relations. The radical feminism which is the main streaming of german feminism shows a little interest in the role of the german welfare state (social state) to improve the quality of life of women. The german welfare state is, as the feminism says, only a instrument of patriarchy to perpetuate the domination of men over women. The german welfare state has played, but, an important role for the individualization of the relation of women's life which is the first condition for the emancipation of women from the patriarchal domination. That is a result of the interaction between the german welfare state and feminism. The role of the german welfare state for the interest of women is now challenged by the globalization of the economic relations which tries to reduce the standard of social services. The greatest victim of this process is women. Therefore it is necessary for the german feminism to think over the way of his strategy in relation to the german welfare state. The content of this study is as follows: First, the historical background of the german feminism explains how the radical feminism has become the mainstreaming of the german feminism. Seconds, the feminist strategy which rejects the role of the german welfare state for the interest of women has its own limits. Third, the german welfare state has not only developed the ideology of breadwinner but also contributed to the beginning of independent life of woman who were under the control of man. Fourth, the german welfare state is challenged by the economic globalization and being changed by the economic globalization. Fifth, therefore, the feminism has to concentrate to develop a strategy which accepts the limit and the possibility of german welfare state.