Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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v.29
no.4
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pp.1-13
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2011
The purpose of this study is to consider practical examples of the method of utilizing plant material 'lotus' used by the ancients, and the value and meaning they wanted to get from it. The method of this study to do this is descriptive study to consider and interpret poem and painting reflecting impression and concept world of lotus. Summary of this study is as follows. First, ornamental value of lotus could be divided in effect of group plant and detail value held by the flower, the leaves and the stem. Especially, group plant lotus in large site provides unique landscape differentiated form other flowering plants. As well, another feature of lotus is its high ornamental value spread in detail elements including the flower, the leaves, the stem and the lotus seed. Second, fragrance expressed 'Hyang-won-ik-cheong(香遠益淸)' is an important charm of lotus. Lotus was utilized as olfactory element providing fragrance. The ancients considered lotus fragrance not only for enjoy but as symbolic object comparing noble man's dignity so that they expressed it in poem and painting. Third, lotus was utilized as acoustical element. That is, the sound of raindrops harmonizing the surface of water and wide lotus leaves was called 'hearing lotus fond and rain', enjoying it as classic grace. Fourth, summer play lotus sightseeing was called mind wash up meaning 'washing the mind polluted by the mundane world'. Such poetic taste was widely enjoyed by various classes from general public to royal family. Besides, poetic taste related with lotus is the method of drinking alcohol using the feature of big lotus leave and vacant stem, called 'Beog-tong-ju(碧筒酒)'. And in the Joseon dynasty period, when the distinction between the man and the woman influenced by Confucian, lotus seed and 'lotus collecting song' was important sign to express romance between man and woman. Lotus has been enamored by wide classes transcending cultural background as thought and religion since ancient times. Due to such reasons, various symbolic meaning of lotus and planting examples related to religious facilities as temples could not be considered in various manner is limitation of this study, and which is research project for the future.
This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.
This study examines processes of cultural introductions and transformations among Korea, China and Japan via focuses on the formative characteristics of nasori(納曾利) masks belonging to komagaku (高麗樂), part of bugaku (舞樂), a Japanese court dance and music. Previous studies of traditional masks in East Asia focus on their dramatic characters and entertaining aspects. On the contrary, it approaches to their origins through the formative characteristics of komagaku nasori masks. Prince of Lanling, the representative togaku passed to Japan, and komagaku nasori perform a pair of toubu (答舞). One formative characteristic between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks is a dangling jaw (吊り顎). Masks having 'he' (へ)-shaped eyes like Japan's okina (翁) masks are characterized by a division (切顎) between the face and jaw, which is as same as the Korean masks. Other common grounds between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks are grotesque ghost faces and concentric double-circled eyes with their outlines painted gold. Concentric double-circled eyes prove that they spread to broader areas before the age of togaku and developed into a variety of divine-animal mask patterns. That Korean masks and nasori masks both have concentric double-circled eyes and dangling jaws is a significant starting point in studying the origin of traditional performing art in East Asia. Japan's bugaku has been passed down in shrines as part of folk religion. However, there exist in Korea no records or examples related to komagaku nasori masks introduced to Japan. This study provides some clues to comparison between Korean masks and komagaku nasori masks by focusing on the formative characteristics of the latter. The researcher suggests a new perspective to nasori mask dance by re-examining earlier Korean studies of the introduction of Daemyeonmu of Prince of Lanling to Japan through Shilla and the assumption of Nasori as Shilla music.
The basic intent of this thesis lies in proposing a meaningful direction of developing cultural content by combining Asian traditional dance forms which hold cultural closeness in common historically. For this study, this paper selected Oyangseon(五羊仙; 'Five Taoist Hermits on Five Sheep'), a Korean court dance of Chinese origin as an example as the Oyangseon story is commonly found in ancient Vietnam and China as well as Korea. Its original narrative is a mythic story that five hermits had come down to ancient Vietnam region riding on five sheep of five colors to bestow 6 ears of milets to people. Later, the story was spread to other regions to be reformed into Woljeongjeon(越井傳; Vietnam), Choi Wee(崔?; China) and Oyangseon(Korea) that have different plot and background. While Woljeongjeon and Choi Wee were adapted into novels that describe the hero Choi Wee's mysterious adventure to be repaid his father's previous devotion to ancient King's shrine. Meanwhile, the epic narrative of Korean Oyangseon proves the modification of the original myth by adding a Seowangmo(西王母; a Chinese mythic heavenly queen) motif while it was enacted as a court dance to praise king's long life and pray country's prosperity following Confucian concept. Based on this historical lineage of Oyangseon story, I searched for the possiblity of constructing a cultural content program by combining the Oyangseon dance of three countries. While there was Oyangseonmu(五羊仙舞) in China which was recently composed by referring to Korean Oyangseon, any traditional dance item based on Oyangseon story was not available in Vietnam. Thus, I tried to propose the Vietnam Dance College to choreograph a new dance item with Woljeongjeon story while using the traditional dance technique, music, costume, etc. of Vietnam as most as possible. As a result, I could display a direction of developing a cultural content by staging three countries' dance items based on Oyangseon story at Korean National Haneul Theater in Oct 2016.
The basic intent of this thesis lies in proposing a meaningful direction of developing cultural content by combining Asian traditional dance forms which hold cultural closeness in common historically. For this study, this paper selected Oyangseon(五羊仙; 'Five Taoist Hermits on Five Sheep'), a Korean court dance of Chinese origin as an example as the Oyangseon story is commonly found in ancient Vietnam and China as well as Korea. Its original narrative is a mythic story that five hermits had come down to ancient Vietnam region riding on five sheep of five colors to bestow 6 ears of milets to people. Later, the story was spread to other regions to be reformed into Woljeongjeon(越井傳; Vietnam), Choi Wee(崔?; China) and Oyangseon(Korea) that have different plot and background. While Woljeongjeon and Choi Wee were adapted into novels that describe the hero Choi Wee's mysterious adventure to be repaid his father's previous devotion to ancient King's shrine. Meanwhile, the epic narrative of Korean Oyangseon proves the modification of the original myth by adding a Seowangmo(西王母; a Chinese mythic heavenly queen) motif while it was enacted as a court dance to praise king's long life and pray country's prosperity following Confucian concept. Based on this historical lineage of Oyangseon story, I searched for the possiblity of constructing a cultural content program by combining the Oyangseon dance of three countries. While there was Oyangseonmu(五羊仙舞) in China which was recently composed by referring to Korean Oyangseon, any traditional dance item based on Oyangseon story was not available in Vietnam. Thus, I tried to propose the Vietnam Dance College to choreograph a new dance item with Woljeongjeon story while using the traditional dance technique, music, costume, etc. of Vietnam as most as possible. As a result, I could display a direction of developing a cultural content by staging three countries' dance items based on Oyangseon story at Korean National Haneul Theater in Oct 2016.
This study presents an investigation into the Sahyang process and activities of the individuals whose Sahyang(receiving Gwanhyang from the king) was confirmed in the Shilrok documents of early Chosun among naturalized citizens(Hyanghwains). In early Chosun, there were four Chinese(Oh Jin, Lee Min-do, Dang Seong, and Mae Woo) in the Sahyang cases with more of those cases found among Hoigol-in(Seol Jang-soo, an Uighur) and Oioa-guk nationality(Lee Hyeon) from the countries bordering on Western China and two Japanese(Pyeong Sun and Pi Sang-ui). They were naturalized from the reign of King Chungryeol of Goryeo to the first year of King Jeongjong's reign of Chosun. They were diverse to include the great grandfather, grandfather, and father of the individual that received Gwanhyang and himself. There were one case of Sahyang during the reign of King Taejo, four during the reign of King Taejong, one during the reign of King Sejong, and three during the reign of King Sejo. The Gwanhyang they received was wide spread across the nation including Gyerim, Imju, Haeju, Sangju, Milyang, Chungju, Changwon, Dongrae, and Taean. It's very likely that the place of Sahyang was Cheohyang. Many of those who received Gwanhyang were translators and achieved great feats in Chosun's diplomacy with Ming Dynasty and Japan. There were also those who worked in medicine, art of divination, and articles of a criminal code. Seol Jang-su, who passed the state exam of Chosun, was in charge of Jigonggeo, and Lee Min-do and Dang Seong made a contribution to the establishment of Chosun and became big or small meritorious retainers at the founding of Chosun. It's all thanks to those performances that they had the honor of Sahyang of receiving Gwanhyang. Although they were the Gwanhyang with the honor of Sahyang, there is no confirmation of the descendents of the Lee family of Imju, the Pyeong family of Changwon, and the Pi family of Dongrae. While the descendents of the naturalized Chinese still remain in the nation, those of naturalized Japanese ceased to exist, which must be closely related to Chosun's perceptions of other nations those days.
This paper is about the conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo in the Joseon Dynasity. Originally, Hwangjoin meant the Chinese people till the mid-term of the Joseon Dynasty but the meaning was changed to the immigrants from the Ming(明) dynasty in reign of King Youngjo. They were Han Chinese(漢族) and moved to the Joseon between the Japanese Invasion in 1592 and the Manchu war in 1636. The Joseon government gave a warm welcome to them. Two wars made the Joseon government pay attention to the national restoration and served the entrance of 'Sallim(山林)' on the central government as a momentum. Song, Siyeol(宋時烈) was the leader of Sallim, who made an issue of 'Daecheong-boksu Discourse(對淸復讐論;to revenge on Ching(淸) Dynasty)' like a way of 'Bukbeol(北伐;to attack Ching Dynasty)'. His plan came to fail because of the death of King Hyojong and was replaced with Jonju Discourse(尊周論;respect for Zhou Dynasty). Daebodan(大報壇) was built in the reign of King Sukjong, which meant Joseon got the justness that they inherited from the Ming Dynasty. Later Daebodan expanded and it led to works in honor of loyal subjects and patriots, victims of two wars and a policy of a warm reception for Hwangjoin. King Youngjo did his best to theorize Daemyeong Euiri Discourse(對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse for himself. His efforts came out as a spread of conception on Pungcheon(風泉;fengquan), publication and education of Eoje-seo (御製書) and making literary works(英祖御製). King Youngjo employed many policies for Hwangjoin. First, operation of Chungnyanggwa(忠良科) opened a door for them to go into politics. Second, descendants of Hwangjoin had charge of Hwangdan's guard(皇壇 守直) posts. and joined in the sacrificial rites of Ming Emperors. Third, they could have government jobs and honorary posts for ancestors' merits. Fourth, a list of Hwangjoin, "Hwainlok(華人錄)" was published and they got preferential treatment unlike Hyanhwain(向化人). King Young's Pungcheon(風泉) had an effect on literature such as Lee, Gyusang(李奎象)'s "Beong-sejaeunlok(幷世才彦錄)" and Song, Gyubin(宋奎斌)'s Pungcheon-yuhyang(風泉遺響)". The general people of Joseon were jealous and envious of them because of special treatment polices for Hwangjoin. So people wanted to be included in Hwangjoin as far as possible and there were cases of pretending to be a Hwangjoin. The conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo was realized as the policy for Hwangjoin based on Daemyeong Euiri Discourse (對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse(尊周論). It was a way of becoming clear about Joseon's position in political principle.
This article examines the form of hell and the nature of literary works in the late Joseon period. 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' divides a sinner into a man and a woman, and presents a virtue of goodness to a man and an item of evil to a woman. The elements of virtue and malice are both Buddhist ethical norms and Confucian ethical norms. Hell-related novels have common features that emphasize the ethical norms that should be kept in daily life through the causes of hell, though the patterns of punishment and their reasons are slightly different depending on the works. And 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' and these works are generally shown by reducing the punishment pixel of hell compared to the cause of hell. This characteristic shows that the literary works of the late Joseon literature related to hell were mainly aimed at providing or educating ethical virtues centered on 'Samgangwol(三綱五倫)' through sanctions of 'Hell' widely known to the general public. The emphasis on Confucian ethics is not limited to works of literature related to hell. In the nineteenth century, when these works were created and circulated, there is a surge in the number of chapters and publications of books for Confucian Indoctrination, Didactic Gasa, and Goodness Books, which emphasize Confucian ethics. Such a strengthening of the Confucian ethical consciousness can be attributed to the crisis of the 19th century Joseon society about the social confusion that threatens the existing system. In particular, the creation and circulation of literary works related to hell in the late Joseon period is related to the dissemination and spread of Catholicism. In the end, the hell shape of the late Joseon literature reflects the crisis of social confusion faced by Joseon society in the nineteenth century. Therefore, it can be said that it has the character of literary response to the prevalent diffusion of Catholicism.
The aim of this thesis was to examine the circumstances that led up to successful coin use across the entire nation in 1678 (the $4^{th}$ year of King Sukjong's reign), during the Joseon Dynasty. To this end, this thesis analysed the Sa-Mouk(事目, Provisions) that contained the institutional protocol for coin circulation, implemented by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk(金堉) who had practical experience in these matters over the ten years of King Hyojong's reign(1649-1659). To regulate the problematic wide circulation of coarse cotton cloth as currency in the market of 1650 (the $1^{st}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), prohibition measures were implemented. Besides the superficial justification given for these measures(i.e., that the market price was disturbed by the use of coarse cotton cloth), there was another purpose to prohibiting the circulation of cotton cloth as money, following the standard ruled by the government: the state aimed to ensure momentum for the upcoming coin circulation policy, by strengthening its control of the current economy. In 1651 (the $2^{nd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), the government fully cracked down on the use of coarse cotton cloth as currency, and simultaneously implemented its coin circulation policy in the Pyeongan(平安) region. The pretext for this policy was to raise finances to support people who were starving as a result of poor harvests and famine. People who received coins from government officials could purchase food in the market, and the coin circulation policy was judged to be successful. Subsequently, to extend coin circulation further throughout the region, the Sa-Mouk for Seoul was established. The Sa-Mouk included stipulations regarding the use of coin in transactions and for government expenditure; it aimed thereby to enhance the national policy's market credit. The hasty implementation of the policy for the expansion of coin circulation caused some problems that required its modification. In 1652 (the $3^{rd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), coin circulation was increased to encompass the Gyeonggi(京畿) region, and some of the tax that had been paid in rice was now paid in coin. However, coins were in short supply, since there was insufficient copper, the main material used in coin production, and the policy faced a significant limitation. Therefore, in 1655(the $6^{th}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), a new Sa-Mouk for coin circulation was established. This Sa-Mouk included specifications regarding the determination of coin values based on rice and silver, and mandated the wide spread installation of stores for exchanging spot goods for coins throughout the region in which coins were circulating. This policy's objective was to secure stability for the national economy by further regulating coin circulation. The sustained implementation of the coin circulation policy for ten years by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk offered the government an opportunity to accumulate experience in coin circulation in the market, and also to learn from institutional trial and error. This may have been one of the contributing factors to the nation-wide coin circulation that was established in 1678. The objective of the policy implemented during King Hyojong's reign was not to meet the market's requirements, but rather to ensure the preservation of the national economy, and this misjudgement constituted the policy's key limitation. At this time, the government urgently needed to secure finances to cope with the war against China's Qing Dynasty.
This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.
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