• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.35
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• pp.325-341
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• 1997

One of the noticeable trends of female wear in 1990s is the Outwearization of Underwear as it is called 'Lingerie look' This trend meaned 'Exposure Fashion' raised splendidly its head to the whole stage of fashion destrying the tradional concept having divided the fashion between outwear and underwear by Madonna an Americal populer singer showed up in front of the audience wearing the corset-dress as a stage custome. This corset-dress which can not be recognised whether it is underwear or outwear has been diffused into the mass as a fashionable trend re-gardless of any reason; therefore discrimi-nation of wear by space by far that is underwear should have the sstandard telling between private and public sector has been gradually tumbled. By the way what has propelled desigers to introduce the style continuously having the underwear motive such as outwear almost as same as underwear or underwear worn on out-wear etc. and has made it a fashion trends? How do we accept this "Ligerie look'fashion" The rearch on vogue of outwearization of underwear started by the questions above can be summarized as the followings The division between the sprit and the ma-terial-economic shrinkage by the collapse of the bubble economy in the late of 20 century and expectation for the next century doubt by changes of international politics dynamics for the next century and increasement of psycho-logical tention by the environmental destruc-tion etc, has been extended to break the sense of value down These frustration of the tra-ditional values and dissatisfaction on the pres-ent have reflected on the fashion pursuing some more sensational style to increase the ex-posure of the body. The revolution of wearing bouncing the con-servatismhas outwardly expressed underwear of the private sector. Therefore the spatial concept of wear which for the public sec-tor has been fallen into pieces and has broken the wall of the concept fixed by outwear on underwear. in addition the stage costome for the popular people like Madonna has not been limited by the specularity any more and has been assimilated with the normal wear on the street to take the distinction for away. The circumstances of the late of 20 century pursuing sensation and making sex commer-cialized have accordance with the outweari-zation of underwear. there it is on the basis of Minimalist's dogmatism has been expressed the maximization of expoure in the pubric space to popularize bra pants(knickers) as outwear. The reaction on the attribute of hiding and shanding has brought 'See-Through fashion' with the transparent materials, The contemporary doubt recalling the mem-ory of the past has sublimated corset which was an instument of toture for women into Romanticism to introduce it to fashion with the development of a new material not to be a tool of any oppression and maltretment any longer. The popularization of outwear like underwear what's more has brought high quality of underwear. There it has called for the variety of materials such as knit demin and velvet etc, and has urged the famous designers to enlarge their working boundaries to underwear designs, Besides outwearization of underwear has been popular even in the Orient which has the con-servative opinions on exposure ; so changes of the thoughts can be seen among the establish-ment generation on exposure of the body. As the more high tech information publi-cized and the more technology and media digitalized the more expression being analog the pursue for the new in fashion with vision never been seen and even though it is imprac-tical the experimental designers have drived the freedom beyond the traditional roles of the previous century. Consequently outwearization of underwear may be viewd as a trial as an expression responded the contemporary background. This trend in my opinion will have been lasted for a while by being proliperlated among lasted for a while by being proliperlated among the pub-lic who has the century-end anxiety and doubt and expectation for the next century.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.82-94
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• 2014

This study aims to comprehend that Gwanghalluwon for aspects of landscape change in terms of construction garden(樓園). Transformation focused on the spatial structure is divided into four periods based on literature. And reflect of landscape elements in defunct or unattributable records from tale and novel. The results were as follows. First, The beginning of Gwanghanllu pavilion(廣寒樓) was the composition of the Gwangtongnu Pavilion(廣通樓). The pavilion is located amid beautiful scenery such as the close-range view of a small stream, and distant view Jiri Mountain. Analysis of literature shows that Gwanghallu pavilion was in succession to Gwangtongnu Pavilion's landscape. Secondly, Gwanghallu(廣寒樓) pavilion represents the characteristic of the garden since 1582. Built the Samsinsan(三神山), Construct Lake and bridge that represents the galaxy for realization of utopia reflect in Taoist ideology. Thirdly, Gwanghalluwon garden was recovered when from Jeong-yu-jae-ran(丁酉再亂) to the Japanese Ruling Era. It took Gwanghalluwon garden a long while to recover from original form. According to records, Gwanghalluwon garden is still being likened to the landscape of fairyland by inheriting landscape in the previous of Jeong-yu-jae-ran(丁酉再亂). Fourth, By the modern times, Gwanghalluwon Garden has personality of tourist attractions. Until now, the area of the Gwanghalluwon garden has been expended during the processes of three times. Fifth, Aspect of landscape change of Gwanghalluwon is wide-spreading mainly Gwanghallu pavilion. But elements of external expansion in garden by introduced into the facility irrelevant to the authenticity of the garden. Sixth, Comprehension the cultural landscape of the garden are limited by deficient records. But, the main elements in the Gwanghalluwon garden are commonly appeared on imaginary environment within a tale and a novel. In addition, culture of garden at the time was depicted in tale and novel. In this sense, cultural landscape in garden was able to estimate through imaginary environment within novel.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.45 no.6
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• pp.98-114
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• 2017

This study analyzed the commemorative landscapes of eight Holocaust concentration camp memorials(HCCM) of Germany and Poland from a landscape architecture point of view including historical landscape, places and remains, and monuments. A site survey was conducted at Dahau concentration camp memorial(CCM) and Bergen-Belsen CCM of Germany in September of 2015 and the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp memorial(ECM), Majdanek ECM, Belzec ECM, Sobibor ECM, Treblinka ECM, Chelmno ECM of Poland in April of 2016. The results are as follows. First, the landscape of the concentration camp at Dahau CCM, Auschwitz ECM, and Majdanek ECM liberated by the Allied Forces was well conserved with the maintenance of camp facilities and the spatial structure of camps while monuments and memorials seized by sociopolitical argument were built with restriction. But Belzec ECM, Sobibor ECM, Treblinka ECM, and Chelmno ECM devastated and planted artificially to forest were overwhelmingly surrounded with natural landscape, and also, excavated relics and remains were preserved and the monuments were built at the place of memory. Second, gas chambers, crematoriums, guard posts, electric wire fences, railroads and ramps, barracks, and drainage ditches were considered to be typical facilities present in the camp structure and the gas chambers, crematoriums, human ashes, and mass graves demonstrated the horrible history of these camps and the railroad and ramp where Jewish prisoners arrived also had the strong sense of place. These remains were regarded as symbolic elements to create a memory of the tragedy and place. Third, commemoration of victims was applied as the basic concept and recalling the memory of the Holocaust was also considered very important content. Religious reconciliation and peace was represented at Dahau CCM and the Jewish identity was strongly expressed at Treblinka ECM and Belzec ECM representing the Jewish community and Judaism. Fourth, the monuments with semi-abstract styles and abstract sculptures represented the Holocaust symbolically and narratively and came into the conflict caused by the abstractness to the memorial landscape at Auschwitz-Birkenau ECM and Bergen-Belsen CCM. Fifth, remains for recalling the memory of tragedy and place and symbolic monuments to stand for public memory were juxtaposed at the same place and preserving on the authenticity of camp site had been conflicted with monumentalizing intentionally. Further study will required a concrete investigation of the monuments in the HCCM and an attempt to comparatively study the commemoration characteristics of memorials in Korea.

• Journal of Environmental Impact Assessment
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• v.27 no.6
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• pp.695-703
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• 2018

This study was conducted to suggest a sustainable farming practice forresource recycling in vegetable gardens of North Korea. In North Korea, farmers are allowed to own private vegetable gardens less than $100m^2$. However, usage of fertilizers in private vegetable gardens is very limited due to economic sanctions by UN security council. If North and South Korea initiated the cooperative action in the near future, agricultural sector would be the highest priority cooperation area. Considering the current North Korean situation in agriculture, we would like to suggest a method for producing organic fertilizer manure. For raw materials for producing manure, we selected corn byproduct, which is the most abundant material, and rabbits' feces, which are easily obtained from individual private farms in North Korea. As we cannot get corn byproducts and rabbits' feces from North Korea, we prepared samples of corn byproducts and rabbits; feces from many places in South Korea. After statistical analysis of variance, there was no significant difference in the T-N contents of corn byproducts from Gyeonggi, Gangwon, Chungnam, Chungbuk, Jeollabuk and Gyeongsangnam-dos, which indicates that the fertilizing quality of corn byproducts does not vary significantly in the spatial scale of South. Korea. In this sense, if we use corn samples from Gyeonggi province, they would not be very different from those of North Korean regions. Physicochemical properties of rabbits' feces were different between those eating feed grains and those eating plants only. Hence, we used rabbits' feces of the rabbits from Yeonchun area, which were fed by plants only. Using three different mixing ratios of corn byproducts and rabbits' feces, composting was conducted for 60 days. The mixing ratio of 1:1 produced the manure with % T-N of 1.98% and OM/N ratio of 31.7 after 30 days of composting, which is comparable to the quality of commercial manure.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.295-318
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to define the 'caligraphy as a modern concept of art. For this purpose, it was necessary to exclude the elements betraying 'the caligraphy as a pure art' in reference to 'autonomy' as an indicator of modernity in order to reflect on the current topology of the caligraphy in our age. Checking the current conditions facing the caligraphy from the pre-modern, modern and post-modern perspectives will clarify the current topology of the caligraphy and further exploring 'the caligraphy as a post-modern art concept. To this end, this study defines the caligraphy 'as a pure formative art' and thereby discusses it in terms of nature and form. In terms of nature, the caligraphy should be subsumed into a spacial art, but it has a nature of a temporal art created and appreciated over time. Hence, among the spacial arts, the painting is most similar to the caligraphy, while among the temporal arts, the caligraphy is most similar to such rhythmic (of high mobility) or performing arts as music and dance. Merely, the painting does not reveal the flow of time on the canvas, while music and dance leave no residual in terms of audibility and visuality. All in all, the caligraphy is sort of 'temporal-spacial art' like dance in that the visible letters express the artist's sense of life on the plane over time like music. In terms of form, this study compares the caligraphy with engraving, wood print and character design to define the caligraphy as a pure art concept. The caligraphy as a modern art concept, namely, the autonomy of the caligraphy is associated with legibility and meaning in addition to the question whether it is an applied or a pure art. The legibility and meaning of the characters are not only the essential elements of the caligraphy but also are the factors limiting its autonomy, which must be a paradox. All in all, the legibility and meaning of the characters must be the key criteria for determining the caligraphy as a practical art or literary art or as a pure figurative art. In this context, this study discusses the caligraphy as a pure art by comparing it with the spatial art 'painting' and the temporal art 'music.' It might be impossible to define the caligraphy or a genre of art as an autonomous art of self-perfection and categorical identity. Moreover, any attempt to define the caligraphy would fail to interpret the caligraphy appropriately. Merely, we are obliged to position the caligraphy in the process of localizing 'their modernity' and thereby, discuss how to respond to their scheme.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.21-29
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• 2023

The Northern Song Dynasty, the heyday of cultural and artistic achievements, brought significant changes to the history of gardens in China. The developments and contemplations that had evolved during the previous Tang Dynasty became intertwined with literature, painting, and art, leading to garden being perceived as works of art. In particular, the emergence of Su Shi(蘇軾) that permeated literature and art during the Northern Song Dynasty, had an impact beyond individual garden creation, influencing the development of public gardens and the diversification of garden. His long exile periods served as an opportunity to understand and reflect the local culture and characteristics, influencing the development of the garden. This study focuses on the ideology of Su Shi(蘇軾) that managed various gardens, examining the relationship between his exlie life and ideology. To do so, the study examines the form of the literati's gardens managed by Su Shi(蘇軾), with a particular emphasis on the Baiheju(白鶴居) garden in Huizhou, revealing the following characteristics and values. First, Su Shi(蘇軾), who was proficient in the Three Houses: Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, combined his philosophy and unique perspective techniques with the location and composition elements of Baiheju(白鶴居) to enjoy the landscape. Although the ancient residence has a simple form, it possesses expansiveness through the combination of internal and external views. The interior is designed to be perceived as a single space, but it allows overlapping experiences of space and simultaneous appreciation of different sceneries. On the other hand, the spatial layout incorporates a hierarchical order to establish a sense of order. Second, the garden reflects the local characteristics, featuring numerous tropical plants and presenting vibrant and contrasting colors with structures. The planting forms embrace the concept of "huosei seikou" (活色生香) to enhance the color harmoniously. Additionally, the garden incorporates the poet's spiritual world, projecting it onto the garden as a contemplative place for spiritual nourishment and exploration of the ideal realm. For the pursuit of serenity and profound contemplation, the selected plantings are simple yet distinctive, providing rhythm and depth to the garden space. Third, Baiheju(白鶴居) has undergone changes over the years, but fundamentally, the form and elements of the garden shaped by Su Shi(蘇軾)'s descendants persist, confirming its heritage value.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.212-240
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• 2022

This study is a multi-layered exploration of 「The Thirty-Six Scenery of Seongdeok Summer Mountain Resort(承德避暑山莊三十六景)」 (The 36th view of Kangxi) recited by Emperor Kangxi of China through literature study, ancient calligraphy diagrams, and field studies. The conclusion of tracing the landscape characteristics and implications contained in 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 through the analysis of the headword(標題語) and the interpretation of the Jeyeong poem(題詠詩) is as follows. 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 is an extension of the outer edge of the Eight Sceneries, and when compared to the existing Eight Sceneries peom and Eight Sceneries painting, it is found that the landscape is centered on the 'viewpoint' rather than the landscape object. In particular, it aimed to create a structured landscape centered on nine types of buildings represented by 'Jeon(殿)' and 'Jeong(亭)' was given. In particular, Yeouiju, located in Lake district, is a scenic country endowed with the character of a gardens in Garden, which is composed by collecting famous representative Chinese landscapes and landscapes of Sansu-si and Sanshu Painting. As a result of headword analysis to understand the characteristics of landscape components, 14 landscapes (38.9%) related to water elements and 13 landscapes(36.1%) related to mountain elements, the elements related to architecture and civil engineering were classified in the order of 3 cases(8.3%), and the elements related to the skylight were classified in the order of 2 cases(5.6%). However, in Jeyeong-si, the mention of landscape vocabulary for climate elements was overwhelming. In other words, in the poems of 「The 36th Scenery of Kangxi」, scenery vocabulary symbolizing 'coolness' such as 雲(cloud), 水(water), 泉(spring), 清(clear), 波(wave), 流(wave), 風(wind) and 無暑(without heat), etc. It is not a coincidence that it appears, and it is strongly attached to the sense of place of Summer Mountain Resort in Rehe(熱河). Among the 23 landscapes whose seasonal background was confirmed, the fact that the lower landscape is portrayed as the majority and the climate elements of the resort area are portrayed in three-dimensional and multi-dimensional ways are closely related to the period of enjoying the gardens of Kangxi, the main subject of the landscape. In addition, many animal and plant landscapes appearing in Jeyeong-si appear to be in the same context as the spatial attributes of not only recreation, but also contemplation and hunting. On the other hand, in Jeyeongsi, there are 33 wonders(91.7%) citing famous people and famous books through ancient poems, old stories, and ancient stories tends to be prominent. It is inferred that this was based on Kangxi's understanding and pride in traditional Chinese culture. In 「The 36th view of Kangxi」, not only a book-writing description of the feelings of being entrusted to the family sutras, but also the spirit of patriotism, love, self-discipline and respect for mother and filial piety are strongly implied. Ultimately, 「The 36th view of Kangxi」 shows the real scene of the resort, as well as the spiritual dimension, in a multi-faceted and three-dimensional way, and the spirit of an emperor based on the dignity of the royal family and the sentiments of a writer it deserves to be called a collection of imperial records that were intended to reveal.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).