• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.175-199
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• 2018

Recent marine territorial disputes in the East China Sea and the South China Sea have come to us as a great threat. China, which has recently established the China Coast Guard and has rapidly developed maritime security forces, is trying to overcome the various conflict countries with its power. Japan is also strengthening intensively its maritime security forces. Since Korea, China, and Japan are geographically neighboring and sharing maritime space in Northeast Asia, there is no conflict between maritime jurisdiction and territorial rights among the countries. The struggle for initiative in the ocean is fierce among the three coastal nations in Northeast Asia. therefore, Korea needs more thorough preparation and response to protect the marine sovereignty. As the superpowers of China and Japan are confronted and the United States is involved in the balance of power in strategic purposes, the East Asian sea area is a place where tension and conflict environment exist. China's illegal fishing boats are constantly invading our waters, and they even threaten the lives of our police officers. The issue of delimiting maritime boundaries between Korea and China has yet to be solved, and is underway in both countries, and there is a possibility that the exploration activities of the continental shelf resources may collide as the agreement on the continental shelf will expire between Korea and Japan. On the other hand, conflicts in the maritime jurisdictions of the three countries in Korea, China and Japan are leading to the enhancement of maritime security forces to secure deterrence rather than military confrontation. In the situation where the unresolved sovereignty and jurisdiction conflicts of Korea, China and Japan continue, and the competition for the strengthening of the maritime powers of China and Japan becomes fierce, there is a urgent need for stabilization and enhancement of the maritime forces in our country. It is necessary to establish a new long-term strategy for enhancing the maritime security force and to carry out it. It is expected that the Korean Coast Guard, which once said that it was a model for the establishment of China's Coast Guard as a powerful force for the enforcement of the maritime law, firmly establishes itself as a key force to protect our oceans with the Navy and keeps our maritime sovereignty firmly.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• 제25권2호
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• pp.58-74
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• 2021

Purpose - This paper research on the embodied carbon emission in Sino-Korea trade. It calculates and analyzes the carbon emission coefficient and specific carbon emissions in Sino-Korea trade from 2005 to 2014. Design/methodology - This paper conducted an empirical analysis for embodied carbon emission in Sino-Korea trade during the years 2005-2014, using a multi-region input-output model. First, direct and complete CO2 emission coefficient of the two countries were calculated and compared. On this basis, combined with the world input-output table, the annual import and export volume and sector volume of embodied carbon emission are determined. Then through the comparative analysis of the empirical results, the reasons for the carbon imbalance in Sino-Korea trade are clarified, and the corresponding suggestions are put forward according to the environmental protection policies being implemented by the two countries. Findings - The results show that South Korea is in the state of net trade export and net embodied carbon import. The carbon emission coefficient of most sectors in South Korea is lower than that of China. However, the reduction of carbon emission coefficient in China is significantly faster than that in South Korea in this decade. The change of Korea's complete CO2 emission coefficient shows that policy factors have a great impact on environmental protection. The proportion of intra industry trade between China and South Korea is relatively large and concentrated in mechanical and electrical products, chemical products, etc. These sectors generally have large carbon emissions, which need to be noticed by both countries. Originality/value - To the best knowledge of the authors, this study is the first attempt to research the embodied carbon emission of ten consecutive years in Sino-Korea Trade. In addition, In this paper, some mathematical methods are used to overcome the error problem caused by different statistical caliber in different databases. Finally, the accurate measurement of carbon level in bilateral trade will provide some reference for trade development and environmental protection.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.5-29
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• 2018

Models of South-North Korean economic integration have the problem of circular reasoning. While many studies argue that South-North Korean economic integration would contribute to alleviate security risks in the Korean peninsular, they emphasize the success of any economic model of inter-Korean economic integration is subject to favorable geo-political and security environment. It is a failure in distinguishing between goals and constraints. After identifying three major goals of South-North Korean economic cooperation, this study shows the trilemma among the goals; they are 1) formation of a complete economic community, 2) maintaining independent sovereignty of the two Koreas, 3) promotion of mutual economic interests. The trilemma suggests that it is theoretically impossible to achieve the above three goals at the same time. Only two goals are achievable simultaneously. This study argues that the most practical option is to pursue the combination of goals 2) and 3) considering the complex political and security environment around the Korean peninsular. Recognizing that North Korea is the least developed country in the Northeast Asia region, South Korea's initiatives for inter-Korean economic cooperation should focus on assisting industrialization and integration of the North Korea economy into the Northeast Asian regional production sharing structure. In view of the 'flying geese model' of the sequential industrialization in the region, the least developed economic status of North Korea can partially be explained by its failure to participate in the production network in the region as well as lack of effective implementation of appropriate industrial policy. Therefore, promotion of industrialization of North Korea should be the immediate goal of economic cooperation between North and South Korea. It is an interesting fact that North Korea has rapidly expanded its apparel exports in recent years. It could mean that the North Korean economy is actively responding to the dynamics of international comparative advantage structure, although the production activities are limited to exports to China since the closure of the Gaesung Industrial Complex. The recent increase in apparel export is a starting point for incorporating the Easy Import Substitution fulfilling both domestic and neighboring regional demand of North Korea. It could help integrate North Korea's industry into the production network of Northeast Asia. An immediate policy implication is that the economic cooperation between the two Koreas should focus on facilitating this process and supporting North Korea's industrial policy through South Korea's contribution of capital, technology, and service intermediary inputs.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.142-163
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• 2013

Ieodo is a submerged rock within a Korea's Exclusive Economic Zone(EEZ) in the East China Sea with its most shallow part about 4.6m below the sea level which has no specific rights for the EEZ delimitation. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) stipulates that any coastal state has the rights to claim an EEZ that stretches up to 200 nautical miles from its shore, except where there is an overlap with a neighboring country's claims. Korea claims that Ieodo is within its EEZ as it sits on the Korean side of the equidistant line and the reef is located on the Korea section of the continental shelf. China does not recognize Korea's application of the equidistance principle and insists that Ieodo lies on its continental shelf. According to UNCLOS, Ieodo is located in international waters, rather than one country's EEZ as the two countries have failed to reach a final agreement over the delimitation of the maritime border. This study seeks to understand the evolution of the People's Liberation Army Navy(PLAN) strategy as main obstacles for the EEZ delimitation between Korea and China. PLAN's Strategy evolves from "coastal defense" to "offshore defence", since the late 1980s from a "coastal defence" strategy to an "offshore defence" strategy which would extend the perimeter of defence to between 200 nm and 400 nm from the coast. China's economic power has increased It's dependence on open trade routes for energy supplies and for its own imports and exports. China want secure Sea Lane. PLAN's "offshore defence" strategy combines the concept of active defence with the deployment of its military forces beyond its borders. China's navy try to forward base its units and to achieve an ocean going capability. China's navy expects to have a 'Blue Water' capability by 2050. China insists that coastal states do have a right under UNCLOS to regulate the activities of foreign military forces in their EEZs. China protests several times against US military forces operating within It's EEZ. The U.S. position is that EEZs should be consistent with customary international law of the sea, as reflected in UNCLOS. U.S. has a national interest in the preservation of freedom of navigation as recognized in customary international law of the sea and reflected in UNCLOS. U.S. insists that coastal states under UNCLOS do not have the right to regulate foreign military activities in their EEZs. To be consistent with its demand that the U.S. cease performing military operations in china's EEZ, China would not be able to undertake any military operations in the waters of South Korea's EEZ. As such, to preserve its own security interests, China prefers a status quo policy and used strategic ambiguity on the Ieodo issue. PLAN's strategy of coastal defence has been transformed into offensive defence, Korea's EEZ can be a serious limitation to PLAN's operational plan of activities. Considering China'a view of EEZs, China do not want make EEZ delimitation agreement between Korea and China. China argues that the overlapping areas between EEZs should be handled through negotiations and neither side can take unilateral actions before an agreement is reached. China would prefer Ieodo sea zone as a international waters, rather than one country's EEZ.

• 한류연구
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.25-29
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• 2022

Economic growth is one of the significant benchmarks determining a country's sustainable growth. Before WWII, most countries perceived their priority in terms of military strength as they dedicated most of their efforts and resources to creating weapons of mass destruction. The current research aims to establish some of the significant factors that may have contributed to the sustainable and progressive economic growth of South Korea within the 60-year timeframe. Multiple prior studies have attributed the economic growth in South Korea to policy reforms that opened the country to foreign markets. The outstanding increase in the percentage of exports stands out as an indication of the improvement in the quality of goods produced in the country. Finally, in recent years, China has dedicated more resources to research and developments as a strategy to improve innovation within the country and its overall economic growth. Other issues of concern likely to undermine the prospects of the country's economic growth include the limited geographical size, aging population, and limited natural resources. As such, South Korea needs to emphasize innovation and improve the business environment as its main strategy for sustainable economic growth in the future to maintain its continuous economic miracle.

• Strategy21
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• 통권36호
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• pp.94-120
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• 2015

The Asia-Pacific Region has emerged as a arena of geopolitical competition between the U.S. and China. The Obama administration of the U.S. had laid out the concept of rebalancing strategy toward the region, concentrating its 60 percent of Naval Forces to the region till 2020 and consolidating its network of allies and partners. Whereas Chinese leader Xi Jinping also put forward the concept of new type of major power relations concerning its relations with the U.S. and a concept of 'the Asian Community of Common Destiny' aiming at a more intensified mutual relation among countries in the region. In doing so, Asia-Pacific region gradually became the arena where mutual competition and cooperation between the U.S. and China has crossfired. As a close ally to the U.S. and a partner to Japan, South Korea should develop trilateral naval cooperation by holding joint naval drill with the aim of humanitarian support and disaster relief. At the same time, Seoul also should make efforts to proceed mutual confidence building with Beijing by deepening military-to-military cooperation. These policy options will be helpful to enhance Seoul's security posture in the region.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제15권3호
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• pp.267-301
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• 2005

Following the increased economic corporations between the South and North Korea, many companies participate the corporation program. They needs insurance policy as a scheme for the transfer of risk from those individual company to it to an insurer. This paper review the possibility of the North Korea insurance authorities and research the origin, history, structure and context of the North Korea insurance law. The North Korea Insurance law differ from the South Korea and China's. North Korea Insurance authority has not capability of doing insurance business both side of underwriting and indemnity. Partly, it caused the uncertainty, insufficient and vague of the insurance law. The writer conclude that the North Korea insurance law faced to the needs of modernization. Especially, the Gyesung Industrial Complex Insurance Regulation couldn't cover the investor and company's risk because it is not based on the nature and basic principles of insurance.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제16권4호
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• pp.395-410
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• 2012

For historical and political reasons, South Korea (hereafter Korea), Japan and China have not achieved much progress in regional energy cooperation for decades. However, the rising importance of Northeast Asia (NEA) in the world energy sphere, especially in the global oil market, is providing an opportunity to create an integrated oil market in the region. This study suggests the Northeast Asian Energy Corridor (NEAEC) Initiative as an effective conduit for raising the possibility of the Northeast Asian oil hub project. The NEAEC Initiative combines the model of Europe's Amsterdam-Rotterdam-Antwerp (ARA) with Singapore's AsiaClear as a form of financial collaboration. The study suggests that an electronically integrated Over-the-Counter (OTC) market clearing mechanism accompanied by other key financial instruments among Korea, Japan and China can be an effective means for promoting financial collaboration in the region.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.69-114
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• 2022

본 논문은 '균형'과 '편승'의 관점에서 대만 '신남향정책'을 분석한다. 구체적으로는 리덩후이 정부 시기부터 이어져온 남향정책의 변화양상과 특징을 살펴보고, 차이잉원 정부가 추진하는 신남향정책이 갖는 의미를 살펴본다. 대만의 대외정책은 미·중관계라는 대외적 변수에 의해 강한 영향을 받아왔다. 역대 대만 정부는 '탈중국'을 목표로 아세안 등 동남아 국가로 진출하는 남향정책을 적극적으로 추진했지만, 큰 성과를 거두지 못했다. 이것은 당시 협조적인 미·중관계와 중국의 강한 견제 등 변수가 작용했기 때문이다. 이러한 환경 속에서 대만은 미국과 중국 그리고 동남아 국가들 사이에서 적절한 균형을 추구해야만 했다. 그러나 트럼프 행정부 출범 이후 미·중 간 전략적 경쟁이 격화되면서 대만의 대외정책 역시 새로운 공간이 창출되고 있는데, 이는 미국이 중국의 부상을 억제하기 위해 인도태평양 전략 등을 구체화하는 과정에서 대만과의 협력을 중시하였기 때문이다. 차이잉원 정부가 추진하는 신남향정책은 미국의 '인도태평양 전략'과의 연계를 모색하고 또 인도 등 남아시아 국가로 진출을 시도한다는 점에서 기존 남향정책과 차별성을 갖고 있다. 탈중국을 적극적으로 추진함과 동시에 미국과의 협력을 모색하는 차이잉원의 신남향정책은 기존의 균형에 더해 미국으로의 '편승'으로 해석할 수 있다. 앞으로도 상당 기간 미·중 간 전략적 경쟁은 심화될 것으로 보이며, 민진당 정권 하에서 대만과 미국의 상호 협력적 관계 역시 지속될 것으로 전망된다. 신남향정책과 인도태평양 전략 간의 연계 등을 적극적으로 추구하는 대만의 편승전략 역시 강화될 것으로 보인다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권42호
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.