• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• International Journal of Knowledge Content Development & Technology
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• 제12권3호
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• pp.79-99
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• 2022

South Korea is at an important juncture in its history to decide whether to continue its investment to become a first-mover of artificial intelligence (A.I.) platform technology or stay as a fast follower. This paper compares South Korea's A.I. platform capacity to that of the United States, China and the European Union by reviewing publicly opened documents and reports on AI platform strategies and policies using the three elements of the national innovation capacity: common innovation infrastructure, cluster-specific conditions, and quality of linkages. This paper found three major areas the South Korean government can focus on in the A.I. platform industry. First, South Korea needs to increase its investment in the A.I. field and expand its public-private collaboration activities. Second, unlike the U.S. and the U.K., South Korea lacks data protection policies. Third, South Korea needs to build a high-performance system and environment to experiment with artificial intelligence technology and big data.

• STI Policy Review
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.110-148
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• 2016

This study examines the technical level of North Korea's S&T and identifies areas for potential North-South cooperation. First, North Korean media is analyzed for situations and trends from 2010 to 2015. Despite some commendable achievements, North Korean S&T remains lacking in basic science and commercialization potential. Despite an awareness of the importance of international cooperation, North Korea is hampered by international sanctions and their own caution, consequently concentrating their efforts on China. Details of their cooperation reflect their interests and needs to a certain extent, although their collaborations were mainly in the form of meetings and conferences rather than active joint research. To assess the potential areas of cooperation with South Korea, this study also draws on interviews with NGOs and professionals working with North Korea. The country's present situation is analyzed and some practical examples of possible cooperation is suggested. North Korea has the potential to expand its cooperation not only with South Korea but with many other countries. North Korea also promisingly expresses interest in cooperation.

• 한국건축시공학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국건축시공학회 2023년도 봄 학술논문 발표대회
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• pp.29-30
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• 2023

In view of the labor-intensive characteristics of the construction industry and the persistent negative image, the problems of continuous aging and manpower shortage in the domestic construction industry are becoming more and more serious, which must be solved for the survival of the domestic construction industry. China has made certain achievements in prefabricated buildings. Through this research, we describe the development process of China's prefabricated buildings in different stages, and analyze the necessary policy promotion and standard support in the development of prefabricated buildings. Analyze and examine the necessary conditions for China's prefabricated building achievements and success factors, and make better proposals for the development of the construction industry in South Korea.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.49-91
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• 2022

Recent years have witnessed renewed interest in Africa and public diplomacy has emerged as the vital tool being used to cultivate these relations. China has been leading in pursuing stronger economic partnership with Africa while middle powers such as Korea are also intensifying engagement with the continent. While previous studies have analyzed the implications of China's activities in Africa on advanced powers, none has examined them from the paradigm of middle powers. This study fills this gap by assessing China's activities in Africa, their economic engagement and implications for Korea's interest in Africa. The analysis is qualitative based on secondary data from various sources and literature. The study shows that China's public diplomacy strategy involves a high degree of innovation and has evolved to encompass new tools and audiences. China has institutionalized a cooperative model that permeates many aspects of governance institutions in Africa, enabling it to strengthen their relations. This could also be helping China to adjust faster leadership transitions in Africa. Whereas the US is still the most influential country in Africa, China is influential in economic policies and has outstripped the US in infrastructure diplomacy. This could be because African policy makers align more with China's economic model than the US' mainstream economics. Chinese aid to Africa has been diversified to social sectors that are more responsive to the needs of Africa. Trade and investment relations between China and Africa have deepened, but so does trade imbalance since 2010. China mainly imports natural resources and raw materials from Africa. But this product portfolio is not different from Korea and the US. China's energetic insertion in Africa using various strategies has significant implications for countries with ambitions in Africa. Korea can achieve its ambitions in Africa by focusing resources in areas it can leverage its core strengths-such as education and vocational training, environmental policy and development cooperation.

• Strategy21
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• 통권36호
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• pp.59-93
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• 2015

A Paradigm shift is in process in China's foreign policies during Xi Jinping's era. Such changes occur with changing national identities from developing country to great power, and from continental power to continental-maritime power. China's pursuit for sea power embraces its global strategy. Accommodating the new identity of maritime power, China is developing its maritime strategy. New silk-road strategy actively utilizes China's advantage in economy, while avoiding direct military challenges against the U.S. China seeks an associated balance of power with the U.S. On the other hand, China make its determination clear to protect its core national interests, particularly Taiwan straits issue, deploying Anti-Access and Area-Denial strategy. 'Pax-Americana 3.0' and 'China's rise 2.0' have convoluted and evolved in complexity. South Korea faces much tougher challenges ahead in its foreign and security environments.

• International Journal of Contents
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.75-81
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• 2012

This study explores the important causal relationship between the public (domestic) and trade (international) disputes of South Korea and China. To understand the relations between the domestic and international disputes, Putnam's study of the two-level game theory has been conducted in order to analyze the effect of complicated social and political frameworks on international trade disputes. Due to the social and political differences between South Korea and China, this study provides three findings based on negotiation, policy, and strategic approaches.

• 수산경영론집
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• 제53권3호
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• pp.1-15
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• 2022

The global cod market is supposed to have weak structure with a high dependence on the supply of Russia, the United States, Norway, and China. The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly disrupted the cod supply chain for the worse. Fish processing facilities in China stopped their operation, and cod demand declined due to shrinking consumption in Europe. The position of South Korea as an intermediary trade country between Russia and China strengthened due to the U.S.-China trade war and the Atlantic cod decrease in 2019. However, this global cod supply chain collapse has caused South Korea to export accumulated cod to Indonesia and Vietnam at a bargain price, showing that South Korea was unable to cope with this supply chain crisis. The primary purpose of this study is to investigate changes in the global cod supply chain and their impacts on the intermediary trade of South Korea caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. It also aims to provide implications by analyzing advanced cases in Denmark. As the cod supply chain crisis countermeasures, this study suggests that South Korea develop high value-added marine products, gain competitive advantages by solidifying the value chains of related countries, and activate export by discovering alternative markets in terms of the supply chain of the cod industry.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.5-28
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• 2019

This study suggests that Korea - Russia economic cooperation, which has been sluggish in the meantime, should be revitalized as a small, medium sized business that can be practiced at the local level of both countries. Some large scales of national projects were difficult to realize due to some internal and external factors. Therefore, if Russia's Far East region of the complementary economic structure with the Korea's Gyeonggi Province of Korea could form the basis of cooperation by centering on SMEs, it further can be positive for promoting cooperation among South Korea, North Korea and Russia. The trilateral cooperation among two Koreas and Russia is necessary for the balance of political and economic powers in the East Asia. China's retaliation case regarding THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) clearly showed that the greater the economic dependence on a particular country, the more threatening it could be. Therefore, it is important for the political and economic security to keep the balance by diversifying economic cooperation counterparts. As China's influence in the global economy grows, building value chains for mutual prosperity with various neighboring countries is gaining great importance. To this end, this paper examined Russia's Eurasian Strategy, New East Policy, and Far East Development Policy which were designed to seek the way to establish Russia's independent economic zone not absorbed by Europe and China.

• 해양안보
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.1-44
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• 2021

중국의 새로운 해양정책법(Maritime Policy Law: MPL)은 중국해안경비대 등의 중국 해양경찰 기관들의 임무를 규제하고, 중국의 주권, 안보, 권리, 이해관계를 보호한다고 주장한다. [하지만] 중국이 본토 주위 및 남중국해에서 넓은 해역에 대한 권리를 주장하고 있다는 점에서, MPL은 훨씬 광범위하게 적용될 수 있다. 중국이 제기하는 대부분의 해양 주장이 국제법에 부합하지 않는다는 점을 고려하면, 이렇게 해양법 집행 관할권을 광범위하게 적용하는 것은 문제의 소지가 많다. MPL이 분쟁해역 또는 공해에서 외국선적 선박에 대한 관할권을 주장한다면, 이는 국제법 위반이다. 무력 사용에 관한 MPL의 많은 규정 역시, 해양법 집행 관할권의 사용에 관한 국제 규칙 및 기준을 위반한 것이며, 모든 국가의 영토 온전성이나 정치적 독립성에 반하는 위협이나 무력사용을 금하는 유엔헌장에도 위배된다. 중국은 MPL을 남중국해와 동중국해에서 불법적인 영토 및 해양 주장을 제기하기 위한 구실로 사용할 수 있으며, 다른 연안국의 배타적경제수역 내 자원 권리 행사를 방해하기 위한 구실로도 사용할 수 있다.