• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture Conference
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• 2007.10b
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• pp.180-185
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• 2007

Although the large-scale new socialist countryside construction has brought a opportunity for the rural landscape construction, it also impacted seriously the style of rural landscape. On the base of analyzing the advantages and disadvantages of new countryside construction, the paper proposed how to construct rural landscape in the construction tide.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.27 no.5
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• pp.37-44
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship of architectural ideology and characteristics of spatial composition between Moisei Ginzburg's Narkomfin communal house and Le Corbusier's Unite d'Habitation. Narkomfin communal house and Unite d'Habitation is considered as example of experiment to construct ideal community housing model. Moisei Ginzburg designed Narkomfin communal house to make typical housing model for socialist city. Meanwhile, Le Corbusier is considered as a leader of modern functionalism architecture. His Unite d'Habitation in Marseille is important experiment for housing model in modern period. Unite d'Habitation is known to be affected by Narkomfin communal house in terms of architectural ideology and its spatial composition. This study focuses on comparative analysis between Narkomfin communal house and Unite d'Habitation through drawings, pictures and various literatures. Narkomfin communal house and Unite d'Habitation have common ideology to realize ideal community housing model. Moreover, both of them have considerable similarities in their spatial composition. First of all, unit housing of Narkomfin and Unite d'Habitation are maisonette type. Secondly, both of them have unique system that one corridor serve two of housing unit. Also, both have common facility such as laundry, childcare which is connected with their housing.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.1-41
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• 2012

The peasant societies of East Asia had been challenged by capitalist plantation since colonization and by socialist collectivization since decolonization. The former was decisively weakened due to the crisis of the capitalist system in the 1930s and the collapse of the colonial order in the 1940s; The latter was thoroughly discredited due to the reform of the socialist system in the 1980s and the end of the Cold War in the 1990s. The failure of the two epochal challenges demonstrates the historical sustainability of peasant societies in East Asia. Their survival represents the universality of Northeast and Southeast Asia, which can be ascribed to the ecological environment and production process of wet-rice agriculture for their common staple food. In spite of their diverse differences, indeed, peasant societies in colonial East Asia shared profound similarities in their basic motivations (morality-rationality), central tendencies (involution - polarization), structural outcomes (dualism - pluralism), and future prospects (survival-extinction).

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.105-138
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• 2011

The 11th Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party(VCP) held in January 2011 was the forum to reconfirm the gradual reform. By analysing the documents submitted to the Congress, it can be realized that the VCP's reform policy reveals the compromise between conservative and progressive perspectives by "the Socialist-oriented Market Economy". The VCP proposes to proceed the balanced reform for the sustainable development by multi-sector economy to achieve the basis of the modern state by 2020 on the one hand and also urges to strive against "the peaceful evolution" to defend the socialist regime from abroad as well as within the party itself on the other hand. In personnel structure of the Central Committee and Politburo, this term of the Party still keeps the balance of the localities and sectors of the society. No big change was in the selection of top leaders, as almost of them were promoted slightly in the existing echelon of the Politburo. On the prospect of the reform process Vietnam will continue the reform as gradual as before.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.53
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• pp.9-59
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• 2017

Recently, the aspect of regulating the legal system in North Korea has increased in quantity and shows the improvement of the evaluation of the lack of systematic consistency in the past. North Korean legislation has been negatively criticized for its lack of function and role of the legislative body and ambiguity of the legal system. In particular, the newly adopted "Legislation Law" in relation to the revision of the legislative system of North Korea contains important and clear contents to understand the legislative system and procedures of North Korea. The contents of the "Legislation Law" can be found a glimpse of the process by which the framework and procedures of the North Korean legislative process are organized more systematically. The North Korean legislation provides legal and institutional grounds for promoting internal and external policies under the Kim jong-un's regime. North Korea is focused on the nuclear issue, so there is limited information on other areas. In light of this, the purpose of this study is to examine the legislative theory and system of North Korea, and outline the theoretical basis of North Korea's emphasis on strengthening socialist judicial life, the socialist legal system, and the state theory of socialist rule of law. In addition, it can be analysed the content of actual legal reform in light of North Korea's legislative theory and system. In the study, it will examine the legislative system of North Korea and its characteristics by examining the legislative process and legislative process of North Korea. Moreover, it can be compared the contents of the Legislative Law of China with the legislative process of the DPRK and examine its characteristics. We will look at the challenges to the legislative system in North Korea and look into the future direction of the legislation. Kim jong-un's announcement of the revised legislation until recently through the publication of the 2016 Supplementary Codes is an important data for the current state of the North Korean legislation. This is because it confirms the content of the laws and regulations already known through "Democratic Chosun(a newspaper issued by North Korea Cabinet)'s statutory interpretation." However, in the case of laws and regulations related to the North Korean political system, it is still a remnant of the lagging legislation that the announcement is delayed, or it remains undisclosed or confidential. North Korean laws are developed and changed according to the changes of the times. In particular, the contents of the maintenance of foreign investment and the foreign economic law system and related internal legal system are found to change in accordance with the development direction of the socioeconomic system. If the direction of Kim jong-un's regime is to be expanded to the path of reform and opening up in the economic sector, the revision of the related laws and regulations will accelerate. Securing the transparency and objectivity of the North Korean legislative process and procedures will help to broaden the understanding of the inter-Korean legal system and to seek institutional measures for inter-Korean integration. In the future, in-depth research on the North Korean legal system will be emphasized as a basis for ultimately forming a unified Korea's legal system.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.101-124
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• 2007

The legal systems and open-door policies to foreign affairs in North Korea have been followed by those of China. Whereas an arbitration system of South Korea accepted most parts of UNCITRAL Model Law, North Korea has succeeded to an arbitration system of a socialist country. China, under the arbitration system of socialist country, enacted an arbitration act reflected from UNCITRAL Model Law for keeping face with international trends. We have used these three arbitration system as a tool for analyzing an arbitration system in North Korea. With an open-door policy, North Korea and China enacted an arbitration act to provide a legal security. Therefore, the core parts of arbitration system in North Korea and China are based on a socialist system while those of South Korea is on liberalism. So, North Korea and China enacted an arbitration act on the basis of institutional arbitration, on the other side, South Korea is based on ad-hoc arbitration. Because of these characters, in terms of party autonomy, it is recognized with the order as South Korea, China and North Korea. Also North Korea enacted separate 'Foreign Economic Arbitration Act' to resolve disputes arising out of foreign economies including commercial things and investments. There are differences in arbitration procedures and appointment of arbitrators : South Korea recognizes parties' autonomy, however parties should follow the arbitration rules of arbitration institutes in North Korea and China. According to an appointment of arbitrators, if parties fail to appoint co-arbitrators or chief arbitrators by a mutual agreement, the court has the right to appoint them. In case of following KCAB's rules, KCAB secretariats take a scoring system by providing a list of candidates. A party has to appoint arbitrators out of the lists provided by arbitration board(or committee) in North Korea. If a party may fail to appoint a chief arbitrator, President of International Trade Arbitration Board(or Committee) may appoint it. In China, if parties fail to appoint a co-arbitrator or a chief arbitrator by a mutual agreement, Secretary general will decide it. If a arbitral tribunal fails to give a final award by a majority decision, a chief arbitrator has the right for a final decision making. These arbitration systems in North Korea and China are one of concerns that our companies take into account in conducting arbitration procedures inside China. It is only possible for a party to enforce a final arbitral award when he applies an arbitration inside North Korea according to International Trade Arbitration Act because North Korea has not joined the New York Convention. It's doubtful that a party might be treated very fairly in arbitration procedures in North Korea because International Trade Promotion Commission controls(or exercises its rights against) International Trade Arbitration Commission(or Board).

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.132-155
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• 2011

The aim of this study is to examine the Korean journalists in Busan during the Japanese colonial period. For this purpose this study analyze the managers of Busan branch of the Dong-A Daily News and Chosun Daily News. The personal history and ideological background of them show that the majority have the career of socialist or nationalist movement. In case of the Dong-A Daily News, at least five managers out of nine came from socialist movement. An Heeje and Kim Jongbeom of the Dong-A Daily News were a nationwide figure in nationalist and socialist movement. The ideological background of the managers of the Dong-A Daily News were more progressive than those of the Chosun Daily News. This difference of two newspapers seem to be resulted from the characteristic and social reputation of them. The activists of that time viewed the newspapers as the most effective instrument to approach to mass. And the executives of two newspaper companies also viewed these activists have advantages to the sales promotion of the newspapers.

• Journal of Energy Engineering
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• v.2 no.3
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• pp.239-250
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• 1993

아시아 북방국가중 에너지자원이 많아 수출의 가능성이 있는 나라들은 러시아, 중국, 베트남, 서남아시아 CIS 공화국 등이다. 이들은 경제발전단계가 우리나라의 중간재와 내구성 소비재를 수입하는 단계이기 때문에, 향후 우리나라와의 교역관계가 매우 증대할 전망이다. 그러나 이들 국가들은 경화의 지불능력이 약하기 때문에 이들이 가진 에너지를 수입할 수 있다면 교역은 더욱 확대될 수 있다. 여기에 이들 나라들의 에너지 수출가능성이 우리의 관심사가 된다.

• Food Industry
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• s.246
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• pp.8-11
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• 2015

정식명칭은 베트남 사회주의공화국(Socialist Republic of Vietnam)이다. 북쪽은 중국과, 서쪽은 라오스 및 캄보디아와 접하고 동쪽은 바다를 면하고 있다. 남북으로 긴 해안선은 무려 3,444Km에 달한다. 면적은 33만 $1,210km^2$, 인구는 9,200만 명, 수도는 하노이(Hanoi)이다. 주민은 베트남인이 90% 이상을 차지하고 있으며, 그 밖에 중국인과 53개의 소수민족으로 구성되어 있다. 공용어는 베트남어이며, 종교는 불교가 80％, 가톨릭교가 9％ 등이다. 행정구역은 하노이, 호찌민, 다낭, 하이퐁, 껀터의 5개 직할시(centrally administered city)와 59개의 성(省)으로 이루어져 있다.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• v.1
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• pp.155-185
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• 2019

This paper showed that the policy power of the Chinese government in the 1950s was directly linked to the development of housing construction. The author of this study conducted on-site surveys of several collective houses built from 1949 to 1960 that are still standing to photograph and investigate the status of these residential buildings.