• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.1-9
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• 2015

The purpose of this paper is to analysis on periodical changes of rural houses of Korean-Chinese people residing in Yanbian area, China focused on periodical changes of floor plans according to Chinese government's policies and regulations influencing on rural houses. Changes of floor plans are classified into four periods; immigrating settled period, 1960-1970s, 1980-1990s, and after 2000. Total number of 67 cases were analyzed that data was collected 48 cases of literature studies and 19 cases of field study in Yanbian, China. The results are as followings. In immigrating settled period, floor plans of the rural houses have tended to be continued the pattern of the Korean traditional rural houses. Nevertheless China was changed socialism system, rarely floor plans were influenced by the system during this period. From 1960s to 1970s, the livestock and rural mechanization are influenced by the "People's Commune" policy. The "Barn" and "Mill" were converted into "warehouse". The residential part consists of one Jeongji (space mixed dinning and kitchen) and one to three of Ondolbang (room). From 1980s to 1990s influenced by the policies of "Cultural Revolution", "Birth Control" and "Chinese Economic Reform", the Korean traditional customs like "elders first" and "distinction between the male and female have been gradually vanished. Meanwhile, spaces of the rural houses have consisted of Jeongji, big Utppang (room), and warehouse. Each space is opened and mutual. Since 2000, influenced by the policy of a "new Socialist Countryside Construction", the bathroom and kitchen are added in interior spaces, the life style in rural houses has been changed as for both the sedentary style and western style.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.297-323
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• 2012

This study investigates the religious perspective of Kang You Wei in order to understand the origin of the reformation ideas in the Da-tong-shu. This study focuses on how the religious perspective of Kang You Wei influenced his reformative ideas of the end the traditional Chinese family structure and the establishment of socialist institutions to overlook the welfare of each individual. His religious perspective embraces both Confucian ideals, Buddhism and Christianity. He believed in the existence of the human soul, and admitted the social value of religion. Kang believed in natural rights and the equality between men and women given that the equality is given by Tien(天) & Shang-di(上帝). Thus, his religious perspective constitutes the fundamental parts of his reformative ideas reflected in the Da-tong-shu.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.12
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• pp.364-371
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• 2018

In the 1960s, both South and North Korea needed to stabilize their regimes, and propaganda films were at the core of establishing this purpose. South Korea claimed legitimacy of a military government and called for service to fulfill the government's mission of the era, while North Korea emphasized the impeccability of their leader and the superiority of their socialist system. This study investigates image reproduction strategies used in South and North Korean propaganda films at the time under the context of domestic and foreign environments in the 1960s. First, South and North Korea portrayed their rulers as a strong leader and friendly leader, respectively, to establish legitimacy. Second, South and North Korea tried to image the same incident from different views in order to instill the spirit of age defined from their own perspectives. Third, propaganda films at the time portrayed desirable images of citizens (people) and visualized a flawless government. Authoritarian governments in South and North Korea in the 1960s facilitated the establishment of the so-called official society through propaganda films.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.1-15
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• 2016

This article aims to find Karl Marx's views on the social policy and to reorganize them into a systematic social policy theory. His views on the welfare state are scattered in diverse works including Capital and Communist Manifesto, and are very complicated and sometimes contradictory. This article further aims to reinterpret his contradictory views on social policy and to attempt to show what he really meant on social policy. By so doing, this article will contribute to re-establishing Karl Marx's status in the field of social policy study. Karl Marx's social policy theory is one of the least researched area in social policy, although several Western scholars introduce and evaluate his views on the welfare state in social policy textbooks and articles. In particular, it is very difficult to find a work attempting to reorganize and reinterpret Karl Marx's contradictory views on social policy. In this regard, this article deserves a significant academic concern.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.12
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• pp.103-111
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• 2020

This article selected a feature film (1993) of Ken Loach who is widely known as 'Socialist Realism Film' director and attempted to explore the thesis of everyday (life) and alienation in daily space. To this end, major theories related to everyday life, dailiness, social space, daily space, alienation, and especially Henri Lefevre's discussions were used as the theoretical background and research methodology. According to the results, director Ken Loach presents the possibility of transformation of everyday life by criticizing the ills of capitalism that occur in public social spaces such as vacant lots and parking lots in and private daily spaces such as homes. It also emphasizes the reality that the alienation of the working class, which has no choice but to be exposed 'stone rain', is taken for granted and the paradox that the alienation from such reality can be achieved in everyday life. These research findings can be said to mean that the social space of everyday life is the basis for changing the dailiness of everyday life.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.8
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• pp.299-303
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• 2022

The article examines the stage of verification of a crime report from the standpoint of the need for its legislative regulation. Moreover, it investigates the international experience in this field. The existing procedural models are described in detail on the example of the neighboring and faraway countries. An analysis of the provisions of the current criminal procedure law of Russia and foreign experience allowed the authors to identify existing problems in the implementation of departmental control and prosecutorial supervision at the stage of verifying a crime report. The aim of the study is to develop theoretical provisions and recommendations regarding the implementation of departmental procedural control and prosecutorial supervision over the activities of the investigator during the verification of reports of crimes, based on the study of experience, both in Russia and in a number of countries of the near and far abroad, which could find their reflection in law enforcement practice, as well as aimed at improving the current criminal procedure legislation. The authors substantiated the theory that a detailed examination of the foreign procedural foundations of checking a crime report will allow us to form the most suitable model for checking a crime report for our state, taking into account all possible features and successfully implement it into the current criminal procedural law of the Russian Federation.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.5
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• pp.907-936
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• 2009

Quite arguably, W. E. B. Du Bois is the first figure in the history of black nationalism who engaged most persistently and systematically with the dominant ideology of racism and white supremacy. It is not too much to say that, by contending with the Eurocentric but taken-for-granted concept of the 'Negro' in the turn of the century, Du bois has laid the theoretical and ideological cornerstone of postcolonialism today. But his concept of race varied over time and was even contradictory in the same writings. The early Du Bois defined race as something historically made rather than biologically given and determined. Yet he didn't utterly deny the significance of physical traits and skin color in constructing racial identity. His notion of the 'Negro' was not unambiguous, either. While drawing on the 'soul' of 'black folk' to undermine the Eurocentric dichotomy of white/mind and black/body, Du Bois argued that there is some kind of 'spiritual' differences between whites and blacks, differences that are essentially inherent and hereditary in the 'Negro.' Such essentialist notion of race and the 'Negro' was on the wane in the later Du Bois, especially after his encounter with Marxism. He came to think of race merely as a discourse of racism that can be subverted and even appropriated for anti-racist practices. Following the Marxist assumption that 'the color line' is a class conflict on the international level, Du Bois contended that the 'Negro' is an outcome of slavery which is in turn a subsystem of Western capitalism. He also argued that, since the 'Negro' is not a biological essence but a sociocultural formation, the identity of the 'Negro' can and must be reconstructed according to historical change. For Du Bois, therefore, the resistance against colonialism and capitalism became a resistance against racism. This is why his Pan-African movement shifted its gear from the American program in the initial phase to a truly 'Afrocentric' and socialist one.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.501-517
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• 2010

This paper examines the British imperialism found in Edith Nesbit's fantasy stories by looking at the function of magic and of the hierarchical relationships seen in the books. Although Edith Nesbit is relatively unknown in Korea, she is widely recognized as having had a great influence on the 20th century British literary world, and is also well-known for her political position as a socialist. Nesbit's fantasy books are commonly differentiated from other Victorian children's books written before her in that she created realistic and liberal children characters and rejected the adult didactic tone. While Nesbit's books have been recognized as revolutionary and being distinguished from other Victorian children's books, I suggest that the ideas found in her fantasy novels largely include the dominant Victorian message of British imperialism. This imperial ideology is delivered by the logic of magic and the multilateral hierarchies. The two magic creatures (The Psammead and the Phoenix) and the two magic items from an Oriental background (the Carpet and the Amulet) all have a magic power to grant people's wishes, wholeheartedly exercising their power and knowledge for the sake of the British characters. While the magic agents serve to fulfill the children's wishes, the children aim to please their parents and to benefit their family, showing layered hierarchies among the characters. Also, there is a hierarchical distinction between the magic items and the magic creatures in that the magic items have no voice to express themselves but only serve and obey the British children. The foreign characters that the children encounter in their adventures also cooperate with the British characters to help them to fulfill their goals. In short, magic frees the children from the adult-centered world but ultimately their free adventures serve their parents and other adults, and represent the ideals and hierarchical concepts of British imperialism. Thus, Nesbit's position as a modern writer seems to be ambiguous, switching between modern characterization and style, and the old Victorian imperial messages that also exist in her fantasy novels.

• 중국학논총
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• no.58
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• pp.91-119
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• 2018

As for the various pathological phenomena of the society which is getting worse without any improvement, the film paints the phenomenon nakedly with the cold and cynical gaze on the basis of realism. These attempts originated in the Chinese art world, and they cynically sketched a Chinese society that lost hope after 6·4. The cynicism of the art world contains meanings such as instruction, meanness, passion, indifference, and mockery. In particular, the distrust of the social system after 6·4 and the collapse of the Soviet and Eastern European socialist nations gave the Chinese people a skeptical view of socialism. This situation of the times has a cynical viewpoint to face as it is instead of prudent criticism. This cynical view was embraced by filmmakers who were not silent on The pathological phenomenon of society, and they were directed to films. is a film about the love, separation, suicide, frustration and reconciliation of youth in the era of identity confusion after 6·4. The characters in the film did not mention a single word about the state power that made them do it. based on the characteristics of women in northeast China and the murder that occurred around a woman with a beauty that was not like a laundry employee. Centered around the unresolved slice murder case, expressed human moral ambiguity that does not distinguish good fortune from human instinct for struggle for survival, and portrayed the scenery of a very cold northeast small city. But it does not show any criticism of the crime. Based on the true story of the 2000s, the portrays the uncomfortable aspects of China that established Chinese socialism. A film composed of four short episodes conveys the destiny set by God.