• Title/Summary/Keyword: Six Dynasties

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Research on the Soul & Body Thought of Chinese Six Dynasties thinker (육조시기(六朝時期) 사상가들의 육체(肉體)와 영혼(靈魂)의 관념에 대한 개략적 고찰)

  • Cho, Won-il
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.59
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    • pp.387-404
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    • 2015
  • A great number of philosophers during 'Six's Dynasty'(六朝) had the most active and furthest discussion throughout the history of China to study the concerns; Having a question such as "Where the body and the soul come out around us?", "What is the essence of complicated and delicate mental operation?" "Are there any relationships between the body and the soul?" and then "How do the human soul exist after death?" First, during 'Don-Jin' period as body and soul theory was based on 'Yin'(陰) and 'Yang'(陽). 'He Cheng Tian' said that everything which was burn on earth should die because the soul couldn't stay the dead body longer. In the same age, 'Ming Fo Run' and 'Da Xing Run' which denied that the soul couldn't exist forever were main topics of the discuss among the distinguished philosophers. Next, during 'Northern & Southern dynasty', body and soul theory was divided into two. First of all, body and soul of 'Heng Cun' might be harmonized, however, that was not perfectly put together. Because, after human death, even if the body of human might be existed, the soul left elsewhere but always stayed around us. The body was the soul which meant that the soul was to the nature of the body and the body was to the usage of soul. Many philosophers insisted that nobody meant no soul according to 'Shen Bu Mie Run' and 'Shen Mie Run'which was the main topic as an academic argument in those days. Finally, during Dong-Jin dynasty covered the significance of Body and Soul theory and analyzed the influence into the history of the history philosophy in china.

Study on Features of the Primitive Meridian System (조기경맥(早期經脈)의 특징에 관한 연구)

  • Lee, Dong-Ho
    • The Journal of Korean Medicine
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    • v.27 no.3 s.67
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    • pp.132-144
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    • 2006
  • Objectives: In order to improve our understanding of the meridian, it is necessary to analyze how meridian theory formed. In this regard, the primitive form of meridians requires further study. Methods: Data from the pre-Han and Han dynasties were used, as such data document primitive forms of the meridian. Results: 1. Some of the terminology of the primitive meridians did not include symmetrical terms such as hand, foot, yin and yang; instead, terms of travel area were used. 2. In the primitive meridians, most travel from the bottom to the top. 3. The twelve meridian system had not yet been introduced into the primitive system. 4. In the primitive meridians, only a few had branches. 5. In the primitive meridians, they did not have obvious connections with the five vital organs and the six viscera. Conclusions: Although the primitive meridian system differs from the modem, studying the primitive meridians may improve our understanding of the modem meridians.

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A Study on Five Circuits and Six Qi Learning of Ming Dynasty (명대(明代)의 운기학(運氣學)에 관한 연구(硏究))

  • Yun, Chang-yeol
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.31 no.2
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    • pp.49-69
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    • 2018
  • Objectives: Following the Jin Yuan Dynasty, the Ming and Song Dynasties witnessed a great development of Yunqi xue. A study into this development has a vast significance in studying the history of the development of traditional Chinese medicine. Methods: The contents relating to Yunqi within the Comprehensive Medical Books, published during the Ming period, and medical texts separately published specifically dealing with Yunqi were used in order to review the unique characters of the study of Yunqi during this period. Results: There were many cases in the comprehensive medical books during the Ming period that dealt with Yunqi. Some of the examples are: Yunqilu in Yixueliuyao, YunQiZongLun in Yixuerumen, and Yunqilu in Yixueliuyao. A number of books that followed suit from the previous generation's study were published, the examples of which are Wangji's Yunqiyilan, and ZhangJiebin's LeiJingtuyi. WangJi, in his book, opposed the mechanic utilization of YunQi theory, and advocated the flexible application of the theory at the doctor's discretion. Liwei, in his YunQiZongLun, wrote a great deal of knowledge which he gained based on the previous-generation medical masters' achievements. Conclusions: Yunqi became widely accepted during the Ming period which led to some doctors advocating the flexible application of the YunQi theory, and some doctors even completely denouncing Yunqi.

A study on the Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok(사부송유목록), or a Classified Catalogue for Recitation and Appreciation of Classics (사부송유목록에 대한 연구)

  • Lee Sang-Yong
    • Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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    • v.25
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    • pp.445-476
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    • 1993
  • This paper is written to clarify the specific details of the Sabu-Songyu­Mongnok(사부송유목록). which is a reading list for recitation and appreciation of Chinese classics edited by Hong Suk-Chu(1774-1842) when he was 56 years old for the stimulation of his younger brother Hyun-Ju (1793-1865)'s reading life. In this study the catalogue's title interpretation. the time of the editing, the motive for the editing and the analysis of the contents are revealed as what they actually are. The main details are as followings. There is no date written on the Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok but the writer estimate it to be around 1829. After Hong Suk-Chu recognized the fact that although his younger brother Hyun-Ju was interested in reading but felt that he was a little too old to begin to read all the books of the whole classes. he selected the classic works from whole subjects, i.e. history, philosophy and anthology, that he thought which would best represent each subject. From these selected works he then picked out the most important chapters or parts of the works. Another motivation of the editing was for the stimulation of the reading life for Hong Suk-chu himself and for people like himself who were getting old and losing their vitality. The Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok consists of four categories. i.e. classics category, history category, philosophy category and anthology category, and in the catalogue, 26 different works are entered. The classics category has ten, the history category has six, the philosophy category has six and the anthology category has four. Each of the works are entered under the title of the book, and hen the chapter heading. The Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok was edited 19 years later than Hong-ssi toksorok(홍씨독서록) or an Annotated Bibliography of Korean and Chinese Books. Comparing each category of the catalogue with the Hong-ssi toksorok, the writer could catch the following characteristics. 1. Although there was no indication of the class heading, the sequence of the arrangement of the entries in the classics categories was the same as the sequence of the classes in the Hong-ssi toksorok. 2. The Zuo-shi Chun-qiu-zhuan(좌씨춘추전) is recorded in the class of Chunqiu of the classics category in the Hong-ssi toksorok, but in the Sabu-Songyu­Mongnok, it belongs to the history category. 3. In the philosophy category of the catalogue, Chuangtzu(장자) writings are included because it is so well written. 4. Unlike the categories of classics, history and anthology, the philosophy category is recorded under the author's name. This is fascinating because it unites with the conventional cataloguing practice of the west. 5. In the anthology category, the writings with the best styles from the Chuci(초사) or the poems of Chou, Wen-xuan(문선), wen-yuan-ying-hua(문여영화) are selected and classified into four parts: (1) poems, (2) proses of Han, Wei and Pre-Qin dynasties. (3) Si-liu-pian-li-wen(사육병려문), (4) classic style of writings of Tang and Song dynasties (당송고문). 6. There was an unusually large number of Han Yu's writings selected from the great eight poets of Tang and Song dynasty writings. (20 categories out of $43: 47\%)$ After comparing the entries of the Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok, it can be concluded that all the entries were also included in the Hong-ssi tokrorok. The fact that the sequence of the entries in the classics category and that the literary works were sequenced under the same subject by the year of editing or writing like as the Hong-ssi toksorok Also it is unusual that there was not even one literary work of a Korean in the catalogue. Anyhow this catalogue is the first recitation catalogue in our country that was edited for the people in the prime of life as well as for old people and is the only one existing today.

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A Study on Quotations in Five Sense Organs Division of 『Dongeuibogam』 (『동의보감(東醫寶鑑)』 오관(五官) 관련문(關聯門)의 인용문(引用文)에 대한 연구(硏究))

  • Choe, Hyeon-Bae;Lee, Hong-Gyu;Jung, Heon-Young
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Oriental Medical Informatics
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    • v.20 no.1
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    • pp.25-156
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    • 2014
  • This thesis is consisted of studying of the medical literature about Five sense of organs. Five sense of organs are the eyes, tongue, mouth, nose and ears. Five sense of organs are performed human senses which external sensory information by accepting an important feature for maintaining the biological activity to be performed. The contents was compiled up to the Donguibogam to Chinese literature and documents encompass the Korea medical literature, Donguibogam related to the senses to identify the citation of each chapter, the actual quotation through doctrine and other publications revealed that the citation is to investigate how accurately identified through studying the analysis and observation. It is as following as I observed carefully the senses of Donguibogam quotations related to each other through doctrine and publishment institution follows in order of dynasties. There are four volumes of Han-dynasty, one volume of Weijinnanbei-Era, two volumes of Tang-dynasty, nineteen volumes of SongJinYuan-dynasty, seven volumes of Ming-dynasty as Chinese medical literature. There are four volumes of Chosun-dynasty as Korean medical literature. It is the most quotation publishment that the books of SongJinYuan-dynasty of above thirty-six-volume. It is the latest quotation book that is Gujinyigan in Chinese medical literature and Euirimchwalyo in Korean medical literature. It is very positive quotation considering even Donguibogam publishment year in 1613. The reference books are four volumes of Chosun-dynasty as Korean medical literature and thirty-two-volume of Chinese medical literature. By observing the quotation frequency, 157 times in Sheyideaiofang, 115 times in Yixuerumen, 74 times in Yixuegangmu, 39 times in Wanbinghuichun, 31 times in Euibangryuchwi, 30 times in Renzhezhizhifang and Gujinyigan, 28 times in Danxixinfafuyu, 23 times Hwangdineijing, 17 times in Nanshibizang and Yixuezhengchuan. Other else books have been cited less than 10 times. It might be made error that did not find the source of the books even though cited reference, also even though defining the source of reference it is only rare reference book. As mention above, there are a lot of discovering as the feature of reference Publications. Most of all we could find out the reference literature cited in Donguibogam, however we couldn't clarify other books in original books. Thus, we should remember that it did not coincide with cited marks when studying the Donguibogam.

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The System of Contents and the Meaning of confucius' philosophy in 「Yu Shu;虞書」 of 『The Book of Documents; 書經』 (『서경(書經)』 「우서(虞書)」의 내용체계와 유학사상적 의미)

  • Ko, Dae-hyuk
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.57
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    • pp.137-168
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    • 2014
  • The purpose of this study is to search for the main content system and Confucian meaning of "Yu Shu;虞書" of "The Book of Documents; 書經". This research covers two things: first, the form of The Book of Documents and the main content system of "Yu Shu". The Book of Documents consists of 4 main dynasties' Shu in ancient chinese history; "Yu Shu" 5 chapters, "Xia Shu; 夏書" 4 chapters, "Shang Shu; 商書" 17 chapters, and "Zhou Shu; 周書" 32 chapters, for a total 58 chapters. This book is organized in the form of six formalities(六體) or ten examples(十例). Second, the Confucian value of The Book of Documents and philosophical meaning of Yu Shu. Yu Shu shows a benign rule(仁政), confucianism ideal politic, as an historic example of a benevolent administration. By this research, we recognize that the tradition of abdication in the confucian society and the way of selecting people are theoretical foundation of politics based on people, rule by virtue and, by extension, a dynastic revolution. In addition, governing a country and rule the world that is treated in Yu Shu are a theory of leadership and moral training as a background of "Da Xue"(大學; Great Learning). Furthermore, Xiao(孝;filial piety) emphasized on this book is the main virtue of leaders and core value of practical action among the human relation. by extension, we recognize that the "Yu Shu" is the origin of "Xiao Jing; 孝經".

A Critical Study of the Legend on the Chinese Ancient Dynasty's Succession before Yao-Shun Era : Focusing on the Rongchengshi in the Shanghai Bowuguan zang Zhanguo Chuzhushu(II) (上海博物館蔵戦国楚竹書 《容成氏》 の古帝王帝位継承説話研究)

  • 李承律
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.17
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    • pp.197-225
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    • 2004
  • The respective history of the Chinese Ancient Dynasties from the era of the ancient Emperors to the revolutionary era of Yin-Zhou殷周 was described in the Rongchengshi容成氏, one of the texts in Shanghai Bowuguan zang Zhanguo Chuzhushu(II)上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書(二) discovered in 1994 at an antique market in Hong Kong. Drawn from the historical explanations expressed in it, the anonymous author's own views on history could be observed as largely being composed of 'resignation'禪讓, 'usurpation'簒奪, and 'banishment/smite'放伐. Following the advent of the recently excavated bamboo slips of Rongchengshi, a careful reconsideration is urgently needed to the established interpretation on the origin of the ritual of resignation in the relevant academic circles. Because it shows us that the ritual of resignation as a way of the succession, judging from my analysis, was already realized by Nine Emperors('Rongchengshi', Zunlushi尊盧氏, Hexushi赫胥氏, Gaoxinshi高辛氏, Cangjieshi倉頡氏, Xuanyuanshi軒轅氏, Shennongshi神農氏, 渾沌氏, and Baoxishi包羲氏 and maybe the more) before the era of 'Yao-Shun'堯舜. Accordingly, the aforementioned fact, which has never been elaborated in the previous texts including the first Chinese historiography Shiji史記, is the only peculiar feature to the Rongchengshi itself. Thus, a simple but empirically important question could be raised here: Was this way of description an exceptional case, even as unaccepted in Warring States Period at that time? If then, the Rongchengshi could not but help being evaluated merely as a buried historical texts, without any influence on the ancient Chinese, along with its author. The Chu bamboo slips Tangyu zhi dao唐虞之道 from Guodian Chujian郭店 excavated in 1993, however, has a very similar content to the Rongchengshi in relevance to the historical existence of the ritual of resignation. From the sentence, expressed in Tangyu zhi dao, that "the sudden rise of 'Six Emperors'六帝 was due to the practice of resignation like the period of Yao-Shun", it could be easily presumed that the 'Six Emperors' was closely connected to the 'Nine Emperors' and maybe the more at that time. Comparing with the related extant literary texts and the excavated materials in a vigorous way, in this paper, I explore four significant questions from a more critical stand to the conventional studies. First of all, I explicate the distinctiveness of the Rongchengshi as an academically very precious materials. Secondly, and closely related to the above, I evaluate its status or significance in the history of the Chinese ancient thoughts. And thirdly, I make an endeavor to trace back to the date of its transcription. Finally, and the most crucially, I attempt to show what Schools it was originated from and what connections it had with the Schools in the acient China. In sum, some concluding remarks, having somewhat insightful and significant implications for the further studies in these issues, could be drawn from my exploration. Viewing from the historical perspective of thoughts, at first, the legend of Ancient Dynasty's Succession before Yao-Shun Era in the Rongchengshi had some interactions directly and closely with Zhangzi莊子, Muzi墨子, Guanzi管子, Xunzi荀子 and Tangyu zhi dao. Also in doing search for the unification in a transitional epoch from the late to the end of the Warring States period, the political stand of Shi士 and Ke客 was reflected in it as well as in the Tangyu zhi dao because they actively wanted to suggest the most appropriate model of the Emperor or the idealistic succession process and political realms.

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Mid-Silla Buddhist Art of Bunhwangsa Temple Seen through the Record of Samgukyusa (『삼국유사』를 통해 본 분황사(芬皇寺)의 중대신라 불교미술)

  • Choe, Song-eun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.4
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    • pp.136-161
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    • 2014
  • This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

Territorial Expansion the King Võ (Võ Vương, 1738-1765) in the Mekong Delta: Variation of Tám Thực Chi Kế (strategy of silkworm nibbling) and Dĩ Man Công Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians) in the Way to Build a New World Order (무왕(武王, 1738-1765) 시기 메콩 델타에서의 영토 확장 추이: 제국으로 가는 길, '잠식지계(蠶食之計)'와 '이만공만(以蠻攻蠻)'의 변주)

  • CHOI, Byung Wook
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.37-76
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    • 2017
  • $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.