• 한국지진공학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국지진공학회 2002년도 추계 학술발표회 논문집
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• pp.3-10
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• 2002

The strong ground motion data recorded in the Sino-Korea Craton are analysed toobtain attenuation relations valid for 5 < M < 8, r < 400 km applicable to the Korean Peninsula. The result is logA : -1.83+0.386M- log${\gamma}$-0.0015${\gamma}$ where A is peak horizontal acceleration in g, M is surface-wave magnitude, and r is hypocentral distance in km. Our result is compared with the existing attenuation relations of Western North America and Eastern North America and the prior predictive equations for the Southern part of Korean Peninsula. Our result compares better with those of North America than those of the Southern part of the Korean Peninsula. More theoretical and empirical studies are required for better attenuation relations appropriate for the Korean Peninsula.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제7권3호
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• pp.1-26
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• 2023

This article will analyze and forecast important variables and dynamics in global power politics after the war in Ukraine. It tries to use several perspectives to analyze international relations, particularly liberal internationalism and structural realism. In short, core variables are as follows; First, how is the US-led liberal international order and globalization being adjusted? Second, how will the U.S.-China strategic competition, which is the biggest and structural variable, cause changes in the international order in the future? The third variable, how stable are Sino-Russia relations in the context of a structuring U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle? Fourth, to what extent will third middle hedging states outside the U.S. and China be able to exercise strategic autonomy in the face of multipolarization? To summarize, the first of these four variables is the largest basic variable at the global political and economic level in terms of its impact on the international community, and it has been led by the United States. The second variable, in terms of actors, seems to be the most influential structural variable in global competition, and the US-China strategic competition is likely to be a long game. Thus the world will not be able to escape the influence of the competition between the two global powers. For South Korea, this second variable is probably the biggest external variable and dilemma. The third variable, the stability of Sino-Russia relations, determines balance of global power in the 21st century. The U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle, as seen in the current war in Ukraine, will operate as the greatest power variable in not only global power competition but also changes in the international order. Just as the U.S. is eager for a Sino-Russia fragmentation strategy, such as a Tito-style wedge policy to manage balance of power in the early years of the Cold War, it needs a reverse Kissinger strategy to reset the U.S.-Russia relationship, in order to push for a Sino-Russia splitting in the 21st century. But with the war in Ukraine, it seems that this fragmentation strategy has already been broken. In the context of Northeast Asia, whether or not the stability of Sino-Russia relations depends not only on the United States, but also on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, the fourth variable is a dependent variable that emerged as a result of the interaction of the above three variables, but simultaneously it remains to be seen that this variable is likely to act as the most dynamic and independent variable that can promote multilateralism, multipolarization, and pan-regionalism of the global international community in the future. Taking into account these four variables together, we can make an outlook on the change in the international order.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.151-158
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• 1973

Author studied the pathogenesis of Sino-bronchiectasis with review of clincal and pathological findings of resected lungs in 24 eases of bronchiectasis,and the results were as follows: 1. Of the 24 eases of bronchiectasis, Sino-bronchiectasis were found in 11 cases and these cases most commonly, developed in first and second decade of life. In a majority of these cases,the main symptoms were the signs of wet bronchiectasis. 2. The typical roentgenograrn changes of plain chest x rays were increase in size and loss of definition of the markings and bronchographically revealed the cylindrical or tubular form in majority of these cases. 3. Pathologically Sino-bronchiectasis involved specific segmental areas of the lungs such as left basal and S4+5 segments and revealed commonly tubular dilatation. The most common findings of bronchial wall of dilated bronchus were the inflammatory cellular infiltration and cylindrical hyperplasia of mucus epithelial layers. 4. It was suspected that there were some causal relations in pathogenesis between chronic sinusitis and bronchiectasis.

• 한국지진공학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국지진공학회 2001년도 추계 학술발표회 논문집 Proceedings of EESK Conference-Fall 2001
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• pp.3-10
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• 2001

In order to establish the intensity-magnitude relation far the Korean earthquakes, those relations for the earthquakes in the Sino-Korean craton were estimated. In this process, earthquake data of northeastern China region whose geological environment is similar to Korea Peninsula were also utilized. These data were analyzed not only with linear fit, but also with non-linear fit. The fellowing relation, M=0.57 $\times$ 1$_{e}$ + 2.86, seems appropriate for the present, but its validity should be tested more in the future.e.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The situation in Korean peninsula, globally and regionally, which followed the global huge uncertainty, changed a lot. Because of the political crisis, ROK falls into a chaos. And DPRK goes into a policy changing period by the internal issues, international sanctions and assassination accident in Malaysia, which is confirmed to be DPRK's Supreme leader, Kim Jong Un's half brother. Under this changing circumstances, the perspectives of regarding China and the Korean peninsula, must be undated accordingly. Only by understanding the Sino-US relations, the DPRK nuclear issue and the regional dilemmas can we formulate reasonable policies to contribute to the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제20권3호
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• pp.1-40
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• 2010

China and Southeast Asia share intimate relationships based on close spatial, temporal and human conditions. Thus, Southeast Asian studies in China boast of a long lineage of 'traditional', 'embryonic', 'closed' and 'opened' Southeast Asian studies. In the modern period the 'embryonic Southeast Asian studies,' professing conservative nationalism based on traditional Sino-centric perspectives, accumulated elementary knowledges on the history of Sino-Southeast Asian relations and Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. On the other hand, 'closed Southeast Asian studies' standing for radical Communism suffered from chronic stagnation. After the Reform and Opening, 'opened Southeast Asian studies' recorded impressive progress in the restoration and development of Southeast Asian studies. Nevertheless, 'opened Southeast Asian studies' are faced with some serious problems such as biased perspectives, traditional methods, and national subjects. Most of all, it is urgent to overcome Sino-centric perspectives on Southeast Asia. Despite the opening of Southeast Asian studies to the diverse methods of modern social sciences, descriptive studies prevail over analytical ones. Regardless of the diversification of subjects, national questions such as the overseas Chinese and cross-border nationalities are prone to excessive nationalism.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제45권5호
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• pp.628-646
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• 2010

본 연구는 다수의 사람과 상품이 반복적으로 국경을 넘어 왕래하는 한 중 소무역, 일명 보따리 무역을 대상으로, 소무역의 등장 배경 및 성장 과정에서 한 중 여객 항로의 역할을 설명하고, 소무역의 규모와 소무역상의 조직, 그리고 소무역상의 구성 등의 변화를 살펴봄으로써 한 중소무역의 내적 변화과정을 규명하고, 한 중소무역에서 거래 품목의 특성과수출입 과정 및 소무역 결절지의 특성을 고찰함으로써 한 중 소무역의 공간적 특성을 규명하는데 목적이 있다. 본 연구는 위와 같은 연구 목적을 달성하기 위해, 한 중 소무역과 해운사의 관계를 논의했고, 한 중 소무역의 내적 변화를 소무역에 대한 규제 강화를 중심으로 고찰했으며, 한 중 소무역을 설명하기 위해 1980년대 말부터 소무역이 폭발적으로 증가한 구소련 및 중 동부 유럽의 소무역 현상에 관해 논의했다.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.163-194
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• 2022

A transboundary environmental problem refers to an environmental problem that goes beyond a country's territory and damages neighboring countries. It is a difficult problem because, basically, it is a natural, rather than intentional, effect, and it is extremely hard to make a scientific consensus on the cause-effect relations between upstream and downstream nations. Air pollution, especially PM 2.5 and PM 10, is one of the typical cases of transboundary environmental problems in the Northeast Asia. This paper analyzes the constraints of environmental cooperation between China and South Korea to address transboundary air pollution issue. It argues that lack of trust and ideological hostility, rather than, scientific uncertainty, is the biggest obstacle for effective cooperation, and these hostile discourses and ideas are mostly generated by media in the downstream nation, the South Korea. In order to identify how South Korean media frames this issue, this paper searched newspaper articles in the six representative South Korean newspapers during the period of 2014 and 2020, and analyzed about 2,000 articles selected. It finds that South Korean media has framed the transboundary air pollution as a China bashing and related domestic political cleavage issue, while it neglects to show the cooperation attempts that the two countries have made to date. Also, while the media focuses on China hate frame, it has never reported the Chinese government's domestic policies to reduce air pollution and their results. Media's overuse of hate and blame frames not only has disrupted trust building but also it will delay a possible turning point of environmental cooperation between the two countries in the future.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.25-57
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• 2021

미국과 중국의 전략적 경쟁이 격화되면서 중국을 비롯하여 전세계적으로 경제 제재가 더욱 빈번하게 사용되고 있다. 미국의 동맹국이면서도 중국을 최대 교역국으로 두고 있는 한국은 중국의 사드(THAAD) 배치에 대한 보복에서 보듯이 향후에도 경제 제재에 맞닥뜨릴 가능성이 높다. 이러한 배경에서 본 논문은 비공식성을 중심으로 중국의 경제 제재를 분석한다. 중국은 경제 제재를 거의 인정하지 않는다. 대부분의 경우, 중국은 한국의 사드 배치 사례처럼 거대한 시장을 가진 구매자로서의 지위를 적극 활용하여 비공식적으로 경제 제재를 시행한다. 핵심이익과 관련되어 있거나 유리한 무역구조를 활용할 수 없어 실질적인 제재 효과를 발휘할 수 없는 경우, 그리고 상호 분쟁이 고조되어 비공식성을 유지할 수 없을 때에만, 공식적인 대응을 한다. 중국의 비공식적 경제 제재에 취약한 한국은 무역구조를 개선하는 것과 함께 비공식성을 비롯한 중국의 경제 제재가 갖는 특성을 심도 있게 분석하면서 다양한 전략과 방안을 통해 이에 대비해야 할 것이다.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• 제8권4호
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• pp.40-54
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• 2020

This proposed work aims to understand the Korean Academic Circle (KAC)'s research trend on the "One Belt One Road" (OBOR) by employing a quantitative analysis of the recent research articles published by the KAC. To do so, this proposed research has used the well-known network analysis software, Ucinet 6, by which the papers on related topics are collected and filtered from Korea Citation Index. To perform the analytical selection, the proposed work has chosen 'keywords' as the core research object and performed analysis from transverse to longitudinal aspects, and from holistic to individual aspects, respectively; and from this, the KAC's research trend on OBOR is derived. The present work has established that the KAC's attention is continuously increasing on OBOR and has sustainability. Centered on the OBOR, Korean researchers have spread their studies in various dimensions ranging from the issues like China's political economy to Sino-Korea economic and trade exchanges, and so on. The KAC has even combined OBOR with Korea's international development initiatives, which can help Korea benefit from active and sustainable cooperation with China. Moreover, the proposed work has found that Korean researchers have also actively expressed their growing attention, highlighted Korea's interest, and showed concern about China hegemony and Sinocentrism in their recent documented research works.