• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.66-75
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• 2012

The Seoul Metropolitan Government selected the sign designs of cultural heritages through a public prize contest from a public design perspective and applied the selected design format to the signs of the cultural assets that were designated by the central and Seoul governments and located in Seoul Metropolitan area in 2008. For the purpose of monitoring the result, this study analyzed the installation state of the signs of Seoul tangible cultural properties located in Jongno-gu. The scope of the analysis of this study was expanded to cover the surrounding areas of cultural heritages in order to review the arrangement and design of such signs. The result of this study can be summarized as follows; firstly, not only the flow of travelers' movement but also the direction of sight, their locations in relation to the surrounding facilities or other installations and the integration with similar signs or notices were necessary to be considered in the arrangement of the signs; secondly, the current sings had low quality in terms of durability and readability and seemed utterly distance from the cultural assets indicated by the signs because they were finished with tempered glass; thirdly, the size, shape and materials of the signs were not harmonized with their surrounding areas as only one design was used in the entire cultural property sites without considering such natural or artificial backgrounds of individual signs as rocks, plants, walls or buildings. When selecting the design format of the signs of individual cultural properties that are located dispersively as Seoul tangible cultural properties, it is recommended to determine a group of most representative designs based on natural, man-made and cultural landscape rather than one unified design format and to use a unique well-matched sign for each cultural property. For this reason, this study selected alternative exemplary design models and proposed the type of signs appropriate for each cultural site.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.37-43
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• 2015

Purpose $^{99m}Tc-DMSA$ renal scintigraphy serves as location, size and shape of kidney, so it has been used for diagnosis and passage observation after the operation or treatment. There are 3 methods of calculating the relative renal uptake ratio such as geometric mean of the counts from the anterior and posterior views, arithmetical mean from the only posterior view and posterior view which applied the renal depths. In this study, we seek to correlation between the change of total relative uptake ratio according to different inspection methods of obtaining the renal count rate. Materials and Methods The phantom experiments proceeded 5 times depending on each renal depth with the kidney phantom and tissue equivalent materials. In the clinical research, we investigated 36 adult patients who had visited our hospital from february to october, 2014 and received $^{99m}Tc-DMSA$ renal scan. The equipment was used as a gamma camera named INFINIA (General Electric Healthcare, milwaukee, USA) and we drew the region of interests through semiautomatic method by using Xeleris Ver. 2.1220 of GE. In addition, we obtained the lateral view of kidney to measure the renal depth of each patient. Then the results were compared with 3 methods of calculating relative renal uptake ratio. Results The phantom studies show when the difference between the left ant right kidney depth were less than 1 cm, there were no statistically significant difference among values calculated through anterior and posterior views and only posterior view (P>0.05), while the excess of 1cm, the results showed a statistically significant change in the value (P<0.05). In case of clinical research, the correlation between total relative uptake ratio by obtaining both sides of image and posterior view applied the kidney depth (r=0.999) was higher than by obtaining only posterior view and applying the kidney depth to one side image (r=0.988). Conclusion This study has found that, the difference of calculating total relative uptake ratio compared with obtaining anterior and posterior views and only posterior view. In order to reduce the error, we recommend the method of obtaining anterior and posterior views and is considered to be useful, particularly the patients have similar uptake ratio of left and right kidney and difficulties of measurements of kidney depth.

• Horticultural Science & Technology
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.60-65
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• 2001

'Shinil' pear cultivar (Pyrus pyrifolia Nakai) which was originated in a cross between 'Shinko' (non-patented, released in 1941) and 'Hosui' (non-patented, released in 1972) in 1978 was released as a middle season harvest variety. Its usual picking time coincided with 'Chuseok' season which is one of the most famous national holiday in Korea. The fruit showed high soluble solids content and good appearance. The cultivar was preliminarily selected in 1991, and its regional adaptability was evaluated in the name of 'Wonkyo Na-13' at 9 sites for four years from 1992, and finally selected and named in 1995. 'Shinil' is medium in tree vigor like 'Hosui' and spreading in tree habit as 'Niitaka', a leading cultivar in Korea, and consistently very productive. It has high resistance to black rot caused by Alternaria kikuchiana and pear necrotic spot caused by pear necrotic spot virus. Its full bloom is one day earlier than that of 'Niitaka' cultivar and harvest time is September 25 at Suwon area which is 3 days later than that of 'Hosui'. Fruit is round in shape with a deep medium stalk cavity and medium calyx basin and has attractive light yellow brown skin color. The fruit weight ranges between 300 and 400 g, which is similar to 'Chojuro', 'Shinko', and 'Hosui'. Soluble solid content is approximately at the level of 13-14 Brix, which is higher than that of 'Chojuro'. The flesh is cream-white, very juicy, and light grit with soft and fine texture.

• Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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• v.26
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• pp.23-30
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• 2008

In this paper, when the silk fabric was modified by ethylene cyanohydrine, the reaction mechanism between both was studied at various treatment conditions such as curing temperatures and times, ethylene cyanohydrin concentrations and $ZnCl_2$ concentrations. Through the FT-IR and DSC analyses of the treated silk fabrics, we found the results as follows : It was observed in FT-IR analysis of the treated silk fabrics that the -OH characteristic peak($3,450cm^{-1}$)position and shape were all changed when drying and curing treatment conditions were at $80^{\circ}C$ for 3 minute and $110^{\circ}C$ for 2.5 minute, and the concentration of the $ZnCl_2$ was 0.1%. It indicated that the -OH group of the silk participated in the reaction between the silk fabric and ethylene cyanohydrin. From the DSC analysis, it was found that the pyrolysis temperatures of the treated silk fabrics by ethylene cyanohydrin which was processed in the same condition, were all increased from $311^{\circ}C$ to ab. $320^{\circ}C$. From the FT-IR analyses of the silk fabrics treated by ethylene cyanohydrin at the various concentrations of $ZnCl_2$, it was found that the -OH characteristic peaks($3,450cm^{-1}$) were similar to the nontreated one except that of the fabric treated at the $ZnCl_2$ conconcentration of 0.8% when drying and curing treatment conditions were at $80^{\circ}C$ for 3minute and $110^{\circ}C$ for 2.5 minute, and the concentration of the ethylene cyanohydrin was 5%. In the case of the $ZnCl_2$ concentration of 0.8% solution, a lot of change were observed in peak. From the DSC analysis of the treated silk fabrics which was processed in the same condition, it was showed that the pyrolysis temperatures of treated silk fabric were all increased from $311^{\circ}C$ to ab. $320^{\circ}C$, which was no relation with the concentration of $ZnCl_2$.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.110 no.3
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• pp.341-354
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• 2021

A large part of Gapyeong is occupied by Korean pine (Pinus koraiensis) and Japanese larch (Larix kaempferi) plantations. Abies holophylla stands are scattered throughout Gapyeong, but little information on their distribution is available. This study explored the potential of succession from planted species to native A. holophylla in plantations. Trees were inventoried and regeneration of A. holoplhylla and stand management history were examined in Korean pine, Japanese larch, and A. holophylla-dominated stands. The importance percentage of A. holophylla was the highest among species with a range of 36.1% to 79.1% in all stands and the density of A. holophylla in understory (DBH <2 cm or <1.3 m height) ranged from 50 to 5,820 trees ha^-1. Non-metric multidimensional scaling classified stands into four types, AN, AP, AM, and P. The AN type showed a reverse J-shape DBH distribution, which was similar to that in natural A. holophylla stands. Both AP and AM types included Korean pine plantations with A. holophylla seed trees within stands. For AP, A. holophylla competed with planted species in overstory and deciduous broadleaved species in understory. The AM type was once thinned from below, thus stem density in the mid DBH classes was lower than upper or lower DBH classes. The P type consisted of plantations without A. holophylla seed trees. However, understory regeneration of A. holophylla was abundant through seed supply from A. holophylla in adjacent stands. Plantations with A. holophylla seed trees within or in adjacent stands showed vigorous natural regeneration of A. holophylla, highlighting the potential for succession from planted species to native A. holophylla in the Gapyeong area. Further studies can help develop techniques to restore plantations to native species-dominated natural stands using ecological succession.

• Korean Journal of Breeding Science
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.533-536
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• 2008

Hopum is a new japonica rice cultivar developed from the cross between Milyang165 and F1 crossing Milyang165 and Iksan438 at Department of Rice and Winter Cereal Crop, NICS, RDA, in 2006. This cultivar has a short grain shape and about 141 days growth duration from direct seeding to harvesting in the southern plain including Chungcheong province. This cultivar has short culm and spikelet number per panicle is similar to that of Nampyeongbyeo, while filled grain rate is lower than standard variety. This cultivar has medium size of brown rice and shows moderate resistance to leaf blast, to bacterial blight pathogens of $K_1$, $K_2$ and $K_3$ and stripe virus disease but susceptible to major virus diseases and insect pests. The milled kernel of Hopum is translucent with non-glutinous endosperm. Protein and amylose content of Hopum is about 6.5% and 18.7%, respectively. This cultivar has better palatability of cooked rice than Chucheongbyeo harvested in Gyeongki province. Its milling recovery (76.8%) and percentage of perfect-shaped milled rice (94.7%) were higher than Nampyeongbyeo. The milled rice yield of Hopum was 5.83 MT/ha (15% higher than Juan) under wet-direct seeding, 5.66 MT/ha (8% higher than Juan) under dry-direct seeding, and 6.00 MT/ha (8% higher than Nampyeong) under ordinary transplanting cultivation. "Hopum" would be adaptable for ordinary transplanting and direct seeding in the southern plain including Chungcheong province.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.62-79
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• 2017

The principle of repairing the architectural heritage in China was first presented by Liangsicheng of Society for Research in Chinese Architecture in the 1930s, and it was stated as "Restoration of Historic Condition or Preservation of Existing Condition" in 1961 in the "Provisional Regulations on the Protection and Management of Cultural Relics" after various repair experiences under the social and political background of the 1950s. Restoration of historic condition generally means restoration to original shape, and because architectural heritage was often repaired based on similar principle in Korea and Japan in the early and mid 20th century, it can be said that the restoration of historic condition was a universal and leading principle in this period in Northeast Asia. In China, however, the preservation of existing condition is equally specified along with the restoration of historic condition. When considering the leading trend of the time, it seems to be rather unexpected, which leads to questions about the formation process and meaning. The research on Liangsicheng, which first suggested the principle of repair, is very important, but there is a lack of three-dimensional analysis of his principles compared with active research on international principles in China. In order to understand the process of formation and its meaning of the principle of repair in China, we first need to analyze the principle proposed by Liangsicheng, and it is necessary to comprehensively examine how the principle have changed under the social background surrounding architectural heritage conservation after the founding of the People's Republic of China(PRC). In this paper, we first show that Liangsicheng has proposed a principle of restoration of historic condition with important values in the originality, and at the same time he opened the possibility of preservation of existing condition for the result of value judgment or realistic reason. In addition, we examine the process of equalizing preservation of existing condition with a restoration of historic condition as a realistic principle due to the influence of Soviet architectural heritage conservation system and Chinese economic development oriented policy after the founding of PRC.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.91-113
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• 2001

History always be re-interpreted as the time flows. 'The Sillok', Which was registered in Memory of World of UNESCO in 1997, is comprehensive documents of the Chosun Dynasty, which had been compiled after kings' death, The Sillok encompasses 473 years of the reign in their 848 volumes(1,893 chapters). It was a history itself and has been main source in studying Korean history. Due to the rise of studies on the Sillok, time has come to explore the nature of the Sillok and to criticize the text, which would be called 'The Sillok-Study'. In this context, this paper examined three concepts that categorize the nature of the Sillok as historical materials ;Is it book or record?; The Sillok in register system in pre-modern society; And the Sillok as the National Archives. Korean historians, including myself, haven't yet examined the question whether the Sillok is the Book or Record in terms of archival science. At first, I regarded it as history book, and with this presupposition, wrote several papers on the characteristics of the Sillok. However, I recognized that the Sillok are close to record rather that history book as I examined the definition of glossary of librarian study, OED (Oxford English Dictionary) and Encyclopedia of Britannica, etc. Definitely, the Sillok was neither compiled and published to be read and sold publicly, nor meant to the works of literature or scholarship. one may say that the court-historians wrote comments on the facts and therefore it was just scholarly work. However, because the court-historians produced their comments on their own businesses, the outcome of 'their scholarly works' were also records conceptually, as were daily court-journalists in Rome. Its publication also had a absolutely different meaning from that of modern society. It was a method to preserve the important national records and distributed each edition of them to plural repositories for its safety and security. How can we explain its book-like shape and the procedure of compilation after a kings' death. The answer is as follows ; In pre-modern society, it was a common record-keeping system in the world to register records materials in order to arrange the materials of different sizes and to store them conveniently. And the lack of scientific preservation or conservation skill also encouraged them to register original records. Actually, the court-historians who participated in the compiling process called themselves "registering officers". On the other hand, similar to social hierarchy, there was a hierarchical system of records, and the Sillok was placed at the top of this hierarchy. In conclusion, the Sillok was a kind of registered records in the middle ages and the supreme records in the records-world. In addition to this we can also conceptualize the Sillok as archives. Through the compiling process, the most important and valuable records were selected to be the parts of Sillok. This process corresponds to the modem records appraisal. In the next step, it was preserved in the Four Archives(史庫) which located at remote site as archives and only accessible by the descendents in the future, who might be the people of the next dynasty. And nobody could access or read the documents at that time except the authorized court-historians who were archivists of the Chosun Dynasty. From this perspective, I conclude that Sillok was the supreme confidential archives in the register system. I work for the Government Archives as a historian and archivist. Whenever I entered the exhibition hall of the Government Archives and Records Service(GARS) and saw the replica of the Archives of Taebeak Mountain built during Chosun period, I always asked to myself a question whether the Sillok can be a symbol of the archival tradition of Korea and the GARS. Now, I can say, 'Yes!' definitely.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.142-153
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• 2011

'Silla Monument Stone in Jungseong-ri, Pohang' was discovered in Pohang City, Gyeongsangbuk Province of Korea in 2009. The monument stone with irregular shape has dimensions of maximum height of 105cm, width of 47.6~49.6cm, thickness of 13.8~14.7cm and weight of 115kg. The results of monument stone was found to be granitite. Conservation treatment procedure was carried out in the order of production of Weathering map, cleaning of surface pollutants, consolidation using ethyl silicate. Black pollutant(crust) that covered more than 60% of the surface was analyzed first in order to remove the pollutants on the surface of the monumental stone by cleaning of surface pollutants using laser. The purpose on analysis was not only to verify the pollutants on the stone but also to carry out preliminary cleaning by securing rocks with same pollutant as the monumental stone. As the results of analysis using p-XRF(PMI. INNOV-X, USA) on the site, high level of Mn and Fe were detected, and the analysis of small section that had been fallen off with SEM/EDX for the purpose of quantitative analysis also detected high level of Mn. The Similar contaminants on Stone secured in the manner described above were made into 10 samples ($5cm{\times}5cm$) and was subjected to preliminary cleaning by Nd-YAG Laser(Laser&Physics, Korea). The results of surface observation through portable microscope during cleaning revealed that the power of 460mJ, wavelength of 1064nm and irradiation frequency of 1,800~2,300 per $25cm^2$ were most effective. Evaluation on the preservative treatment was made through confirmation of the extent of removal through color-difference meter measurement and component analysis prior to and following removal of the pollutants. As the result of color-difference meter measurement increase in the brightness was evidenced by the increase in the brightness ($L^*$)value from 33 to 49, and it was possible to ascertain the reduction in the pollutants as the content of Mn was reduced by about 80% from $50,000{\pm}5,000ppm$ to $10,000{\pm}2,000pmm$ from the result of component analysis.